scholarly journals A Modest Proposal To Balance The Federal Budget

2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 669
Author(s):  
Robert B. Matthews

The total debt of the United States (US) federal government now exceeds annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This level has historically proved problematic in other countries. The primary driver of the debt is a federal budget deficit that now exceeds $1 trillion per year. Despite forecasts of dire consequences, the deficit and debt have not been controlled, as efforts to make meaningful reductionsincluding plans developed by the bipartisan Bowles-Simpson and Domenici-Rivlin groupshave so far fallen prey to infighting in the political process. This paper examines one approach to eliminate the annual deficit, balance the federal budget, and reduce the federal debt. This approach increases tax revenues with a flat income tax applied to a broader tax base plus a consumption tax. Health and welfare spending is reformed using the Boortz-Linder Prebate and the Bismarck social-insurance health care plan to provide a more comprehensive safety net. Defense spending is reduced by making greater use of reserve forces following the model of Sweden, Switzerland, and Israel, by reducing overseas deployments, and by reforming procurement. Many unnecessary or counterproductive activities are cancelled, transferred to the states, or privatized. Social security is placed on a sound footing for the future. These proposals are based in large part upon programs and procedures that have produced positive results in other countries. This approach is offered not as the only or best solution, but rather to indicate that solution is possible and to lead to further discussion.

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 (3) ◽  
pp. 490-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elira Kuka

While the unemployment insurance (UI) program is one of the largest safety net programs in the United States, research on its benefits is limited. This paper exploits plausibly exogenous changes in state UI laws to empirically estimate whether UI generosity mitigates any of the previously documented negative health effects of job loss. The results show that higher UI generosity increases health insurance coverage and utilization, with stronger effects during periods of high unemployment rates. During such periods, higher UI generosity also leads to improved self-reported health. Finally, I find no effects on risky behaviors or health conditions.


2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Bonica ◽  
Nolan McCarty ◽  
Keith T Poole ◽  
Howard Rosenthal

During the past two generations, democratic forms have coexisted with massive increases in economic inequality in the United States and many other advanced democracies. Moreover, these new inequalities have primarily benefited the top 1 percent and even the top .01 percent. These groups seem sufficiently small that economic inequality could be held in check by political equality in the form of “one person, one vote.” In this paper, we explore five possible reasons why the US political system has failed to counterbalance rising inequality. First, both Republicans and many Democrats have experienced an ideological shift toward acceptance of a form of free market capitalism that offers less support for government provision of transfers, lower marginal tax rates for those with high incomes, and deregulation of a number of industries. Second, immigration and low turnout of the poor have combined to make the distribution of voters more weighted to high incomes than is the distribution of households. Third, rising real income and wealth has made a larger fraction of the population less attracted to turning to government for social insurance. Fourth, the rich have been able to use their resources to influence electoral, legislative, and regulatory processes through campaign contributions, lobbying, and revolving door employment of politicians and bureaucrats. Fifth, the political process is distorted by institutions that reduce the accountability of elected officials to the majority and hampered by institutions that combine with political polarization to create policy gridlock.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto A. Davis ◽  
M. A. H. Dempster ◽  
Aaron Wildavsky

The project on which this paper reports is aimed not only at increased understanding of the United States federal budget process, but also at predicting government expenditures in total and by bureau with a view to their determination within United States national econometric models. Estimates of likely expenditures using standard econometric techniques are poor, both in absolute terms and in comparison with our own work. Management of the economy should be improved by the use of predictors based on considering budgeting as a political process that is responsive to economic and social conditions. Use of mathematical models in the social sciences should be furthered, not by arguing their hypothetical utility, but by demonstrating that they work. The proof is in the prediction.


Author(s):  
Price V. Fishback

The expansion of the safety net in the United States was one of the major changes in the economy in the twentieth century. The public safety net evolved from poverty relief programs run by local governments and private charities to a much larger system dominated by social insurance programs run by different mixtures of the federal and state governments. These included such social insurance programs as Social Security, workers’ compensation, unemployment insurance, and disability insurance, as well as the public assistance programs that are commonly described as welfare programs. This chapter surveys the work done by economic historians on how and why the US safety net expanded during the formative years of the early twentieth century and the impact of those changes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-53
Author(s):  
Conrad Sproul

In the 1950s, psychedelic drugs were the subject of extensive psychiatric research in the United States. By 1960, they had been found to be non-addictive, to have remarkable safety profiles, and to potentially be able to treat a range of psychological conditions. However, in 1968, the possession of psychedelics was criminalized by the US federal government. Consequently, medical research has been stifled, and today the possession and distribution of psychedelics are punished more severely than for more dangerous recreational drugs such as methamphetamine. Most scholars argue that psychedelics were criminalized due to a “moral panic” in the late 1960s. However, this theory overlooks several important aspects of the political process that led to psychedelic criminalization. This essay takes an alternative stance. First, early 20th century temperance advocates instilled an anti-drug moral framework into the American cultural consciousness. Then, in the early 1960s, safety concerns and professional biases led most mainstream psychiatrists to reject the therapeutic use of psychedelics. These factors interacted to cause both a moral panic and severe criminalization, but the moral panic did not itself cause criminalization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (12) ◽  
pp. 2257-2270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didier Yélognissè Alia ◽  
Nicolas Ponty ◽  
Ignace Kamga Tchwaket

Purpose The economic literature identifies two families of motives for private transfers: altruism and exchange. Altruistic models postulates that transfers are unselfish assistance to vulnerable and poor households. Exchange models, however, explain transfers as temporary assistance to households with the expectation of being paid back. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the motives of inter-households transfers in Burkina Faso and identify which model better explains observed transfers’ decisions. The findings can be useful to provide a information on the profile of households receiving and donating transfers and a better understanding of their roles in local communities. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses a nationally representative household survey in Burkina Faso that collects detailed information on inter-household transfers. It combines descriptive analysis with various econometric models to identify the type of behavior that better explain the receipt and donation of private transfers. To account for the non randomness of the receipt and donation of transfers in the population, the study estimates a Heckman model to address selection bias. Findings Preliminary analyses suggest that one-third of households have participated in transfers’ exchange, either as recipients or donors with the amount received or given representing a substantial share of household income or expenditure. The econometric analyses show that the primary driver of the receipt of transfers is households’ degree of vulnerability. This result indicates that altruism is the underlying model explaining the receipt of transfers. However, the authors also find that affluent households tend to give and receive larger amounts of money suggesting that some elements of exchange are also at play. Originality/value The analysis contributes to a large and growing literature on migration, transfers, and remittances in developing countries. It provides insights into the motives of these non-market transactions in the specific context of Burkina Faso, a developing country, where migration and transfers have been historically important social behaviors. The analysis makes an effort to address the potential bias resulting from households’ self-selection into the donation or receipt of transfer. The findings shed additional light on the double role of transfer as a safety net for the vulnerable and social insurance for the non-poor.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Owen

Political Community in Revolutionary Pennsylvania challenges the ways we understand popular sovereignty in the American Revolution, demonstrating how ordinary citizens wielded significant political power. Previous histories place undue focus on either elite political thought or class analysis; on the contrary, citizens cared most about the establishment of a representative, publicly legitimate political process. Popular activism constrained leaders, creating a system through which governmental actions were made more representative of the will of the community. This book analyzes developments in Pennsylvania from 1774, and the passage of the Intolerable Acts, through to 1800 and the election of Thomas Jefferson. It examines the animating philosophy of the Pennsylvania state constitution of 1776, a “radical manifesto” espousing a vision of popular sovereignty in which government was devolved from the people only where necessary. The legitimacy of governmental institutions rested on their demonstration that they operated through popular consent, expressed in a variety of forms of popular mobilization. This book examines how early Americans interacted with the power structures shaping the world in which they lived, recasting the nature of the American Revolution and illuminating the origins of modern American political practice. It investigates how political mobilization operated inside and outside formal channels of government. Mechanisms of popular mobilization helped a diverse population mediate with governmental institutions, providing the foundation of early American power. Histories that ignore this relationship miss one of the most significant founding characteristics of the United States—the importance of popular politics and democratic practice in the establishment of American government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith T. Niles ◽  
Kristen Brassard Wirkkala ◽  
Emily H. Belarmino ◽  
Farryl Bertmann

Abstract Background Home food procurement (HFP) (i.e. gardening, fishing, foraging, hunting, backyard livestock and canning) have historically been important ways that people obtain food. Recently, some HFP activities have grown (e.g. gardening), while other activities (e.g. hunting) have become less common in the United States. Anecdotally, COVID-19 has sparked an increase in HFP evidenced by increased hunting licenses and shortages in seeds and canning supplies. HFP may have positive benefits for food security and diet quality, though research beyond gardening is especially limited in high-income countries. Methods We examine HFP activities since the COVID-19 pandemic began, and their relationship to food security and dietary quality using multivariable logit models and matching analysis with a statewide representative survey (n = 600) of residents of Vermont, United States. Results We find 29% of respondent households classified as food insecure since COVID-19, and higher prevalence of food insecurity among those experiencing a negative job change since COVID-19, households earning less than $50,000 annually, Hispanic and multi-race respondents. Nearly 35% of respondents engaged in HFP activities since the COVID-19 pandemic began; the majority of those gardened, and more than half pursued HFP activities more intensely than before the pandemic or for the first time. Food insecure households were more likely to pursue HFP more intensely, including more gardening, fishing, foraging, and hunting. Respondents who were food insecure, Black, Indigenous, People of Color, those with a negative job disruption, and larger households all had greater odds of increased intensity of HFP during the COVID-19 pandemic. HFP was significantly associated with eating greater amounts of fruits and vegetables; however, this effect was only significant for food secure households. Conclusion Overall, these results suggest that HFP activities have increased since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, and may be an important safety net for food insecure households. However, HFP for food insecure households does not translate into the same higher fruit and vegetable intake as found among food secure HFP households, suggesting this population may be trying to maintain intake, or that they may have potential important resource or technical assistance needs. Long-term, HFP activities may have important food security and diet quality impacts, as well as conservation implications, which should be more thoroughly explored. Regardless, the increased interest and intensity of HFP demonstrates opportunities for educational and outreach efforts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda J. Bilmes

AbstractThe United States has traditionally defined national security in the context of military threats and addressed them through military spending. This article considers whether the United States will rethink this mindset following the disruption of the Covid19 pandemic, during which a non-military actor has inflicted widespread harm. The author argues that the US will not redefine national security explicitly due to the importance of the military in the US economy and the bipartisan trend toward growing the military budget since 2001. However, the pandemic has opened the floodgates with respect to federal spending. This shift will enable the next administration to allocate greater resources to non-military threats such as climate change and emerging diseases, even as it continues to increase defense spending to address traditionally defined military threats such as hypersonics and cyberterrorism.


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