scholarly journals Art and Political Ideology in the State of Epiros during the Reign of Theodore Doukas (r. 1215-1230)

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 217
Author(s):  
Leonela FUNDIC

<span style="color: black; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt">The paper sets out</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 115%; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 11pt"> to <span>reconstruct the political context of art-making in the State of Epiros under its second ruler </span>Theodore Komnenos Doukas (r. 1215-1230)<span>, paying particular attention to two aspects: first, the ways in which art reflected and articulated political ideology; and second, the role played by works of art in the formation of a Byzantine imperial identity in exile.</span></span>

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-180
Author(s):  
Roslina Abdul Latif ◽  
◽  
Sojoud Elgarrai ◽  

The following study of selected works of art by Zulkiflee Anwar Haque or better known as Zunar, a Malaysian political cartoonist from his book ‘Twit Twit Cincin’. This study is guided by the visual rhetoric theory that has three areas of study - nature, function and evaluation. The study looks at selected cartoons that addressed political figures, politics and social issues. The research looked at the way the caricatures portrayed Malaysian politicians, his perspectives on the political and social issues and how these issues were addressed. The researcher also looked at metaphors used by the cartoonist to communicate his ideas to the audiences. The study found that Zunar’s portrait of Malaysian politicians is not always positive. He is critical but not in an inflammatory way. The metaphors found in Zunar’s work are found to be common themes and simple to understand. They are also very well-known, visually appealing and a tool to tie his messages together and to get his ideas across. Zunar has managed to resist the oppression of the state through his cartoons while looking at institutional reform, puts forth an alternative articulation of history and nation that juxtapose the current government. Keywords: Zunar, political cartoonist, political and social issues, Twit Twit Cincin, metaphors.


Author(s):  
Mónica Vázquez Astorga

<p><span style="font-size: medium;">En este texto se estudia, dentro del contexto de la época, la decoración pictórica ejecutada por el pintor onubense Daniel Vázquez Díaz en el desaparecido <em>café Calatravas</em> (calle de Alcalá, núm. 31) de Madrid, en 1939. Este café fue el primero (entre los establecimientos de este tipo) en poner de manifiesto con su imagen (pintura, mobiliario, etc.) cómo el régimen franquista pretendió convertir el arte en política. Los muros de este lugar de encuentro y reunión fueron adornados con episodios que evocaban hechos de carácter mítico y legendario del período de la Roma antigua, dejando así constancia de su función política y social.</span></p><p><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p><p> </p><p><span style="font-size: medium;">In this text, in the context of the period, the pictorial decoration carried out by the painter Daniel Vázquez Díaz in the disappeared <em>café Calatravas</em> (calle de Alcalá, núm. 31) in Madrid, in 1939, is studied. This coffee was the first (among the establishments of this type) to show with its image (painting, furniture, etc.) how the regime of Franco pretended to turn art into politics. The walls of this place of meeting were adorned with episodes that evoked facts of mythical character and legendary of the period of the ancient Rome, leaving thus constancy of its political and social function.</span></p><p><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qamar Mahmood ◽  
Carles Muntaner

Abstract Introduction Participatory governance is about state and society jointly responsible for political decisions and services. The origins and trajectory of participatory governance initiatives are determined by the socio-political context and specifically the nature of state-society relations. Participation by communities in health interventions has been promoted globally as a strategy to involve citizens in health decision-making but with little success. Such participatory governance in health should be seen not as a strategy alone but as a political project in which organized communities challenge the status-quo in health. Methods This paper deals with the wider socio-political context of participatory governance initiatives. It uses comparative politics literature to analyze socio-political context in Brazil and Venezuela, historically spanning half century prior to 2015, to assess whether it was conducive to participatory governance. The focus of this paper’s analysis particularly is on the socio-political changes that were taking place in Brazil and Venezuela in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s. Those decades formed the bedrock on which the two countries experienced democratization and a socialist transformation that has lasted well into the first decade of the twenty-first century. The situation in the health sector is also described for the two countries showing a parallel trajectory to the wider political context and that reflected the political ideology. For this assessment, we use a contemporary framework called the ‘socialist compass’ which links dynamics of power relations in various ways among three domains of power, namely, state power, economic power, and social power. Socialist compass can be used to assess whether such reforms are moving towards or against social empowerment. Conclusion Our analysis reveals that both Brazil and Venezuela were moving in the direction of social empowerment until at least the year 2015, just before the political turmoil started engulfing the left-leaning regimes in both the countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 132
Author(s):  
Olalekan Waheed Adigun

This paper analyses the measures, reactions, and consequences of the repression of the neo-Biafra movement in Nigeria using longitudinal qualitative research. To go about this, the paper looks at the political context within which the movement operates, it objectives, and its activities are described. The movement started in September 1999 in reaction to perceived marginalisation and victimisation of Nigerians of Igbo ethnic origins by the state. The movement has had visible impacts on Nigeria’s democratic experience, and by extension, the political system. The Nigerian state responded with several measures, including the deployment of military troops in what is known as “Operation Python Dance II” (or Egwu Eke II) as part of measures to cope with the movement’s activities. The paper observed other measures of repression adopted by the state and how the activists have changed or adapted their responses to state repression. The paper also observed that these measures have had several consequences on the resilience of the activists.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 35-51
Author(s):  
Piotr Bukowczyk

Religious policy in the thought of the Austrian Christian Social Party 1918−1934In the paper I present the vision of a relation between the state and religious denominations and the status of atheists and free-thinkers delineated in the political thought of the Christian Social Party Christlichsoziale Partei, active in Austria-Hungary and the First Republic of Austria, Christian-democratic, after 1931 influenced by Italian fascism and inclining towards authoritarianism. I infer it from its propaganda materials books, brochures, press articles, leaflets, posters and legislation enacted under its governmentI also show the impact of the social, cultural and political context on the postulates of the Christian Social Party with regard to religious policy.


2002 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Byung-ok Kil

This inquiry demonstrates that the political legitimacy of a certain society is historically determined, reflects specific institutional and contextual features, and employs a variety of meanings. These meanings can describe both a state of affairs and a process that ultimately involves justifications for legitimate agents and socio-political structures. This paper attepmpts to understand how the meanings of political legitimacy are conceptualized in society. As a case study, it questions: What are the conditions for the existence of political legitimacy and how have they been constructed? How is political legitimacy endorsed in South Korea today, and how does it differ from the past? This paper applies a deconstructive theory of political legitimacy that exploresa a distinctively modern style, or 'art of governance' that has an all-encompassing, as well as individualized effect upon its constituencies. By this approach, this paper argues that the concept of unification does not have a solid significance in the real world, but rather, it is an imaginary idea imposed by the dominant elite class, which is constantly imposed, reinterpreted and transformed in its political context.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 243-254 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura A. Henry

Prior to December 2011, instances of widespread collective mobilization were relatively rare in contemporary Russia. Russian citizens are more likely to engage in a different means of airing grievances: making an official complaint to the authorities. This article considers how complaint-making, as a variety of political participation, may contribute either to authoritarian resilience or to political liberalization. The political significance of complaints made to the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Russian Federation is examined. Since it is the broader political context that shapes the significance of complaints, in the absence of meaningful elections individualized appeals to the state are unlikely to promote democratic change, although they may allow for redress of individual rights violations.


Author(s):  
Erica Marat

What does it take to reform a post-Soviet police force? Across the region, the countries inherited remarkably similar police forces with identical structures, chains of command, and politicized relationships with the political elite. Centralized in control but decentralized in their reach, the police remain one of the least reformed post-communist institutions. As a powerful state organ, the Soviet-style militarized police have resisted change despite democratic transformations in the overall political context, including rounds of competitive elections and growing civil society. This book explores the conditions in which a meaningful transformation of the police is likely to succeed and when it will fail. Based on the analysis of five post-Soviet countries (Ukraine, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan) that have officially embarked on police reform efforts, the book examines various pathways to transforming how the state relates to society through policing. It develops a new understanding of both police and police reform. Departing from the conventional interpretation of the police as merely an institution of coercion, this study defines it as a medium for state-society consensus on the limits of the state’s legitimate use of violence. Police are, according to a common Russian saying, a “mirror of society”—serving as a counterweight to its complexity. Police reform, in turn, is a process of consensus-building on the rationale of the use of violence through discussions, debates, media, and advocacy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (5) ◽  
pp. 667-684
Author(s):  
Nguyen Cong Phuong ◽  
Tran Dinh Khoi Nguyen ◽  
Ha Phuoc Vu

Purpose The paper aims to examine how the change in political ideology and institutions affects corporate governance (CG) of the state-owned enterprise (SOE) in Vietnam, as well as its consequences. Design/methodology/approach To link macro-level institutional change to micro level of the reform process of the Vietnamese SOE governance, we draw from the “Varieties of Capitalism” (VoC) framework adopt a triangulation approach for data collection. Findings The paper shows the CG of SOEs is a variant of capitalist CG. Changes in the function, state control and structure of governance in the Vietnamese SOEs have been shaped by the political ideology and institution. It also shows that the political and bureaucratic interferences of the state in SOEs are for political interests rather than for firms’ effectiveness. Research limitations/implications The political ideology has existed in major aspects of the governance structure of the SOEs as a part of the party’s effort to maintain its economic legitimacy and a government of “control and domination”. Practical implications The findings of this study can be seen as a reference for the Vietnamese Government and governments of other developing countries in making incremental improvements in existing institutions rather than choosing the “best” model of CG. Originality/value The paper contributes to the literature by applying the VoC framework to analyse the change in SOE governance in a transition country while preserving the communist ideology. It can deepen our understanding of the SOE governance in Vietnam and enrich comparative studies of CG in the transition countries.


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