scholarly journals A digital territory to be appropriated: the state and the nationalization of cyberspace

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Thanos Koulos

Next to land, water, air and space, cyberspace is the complex socio-technical setting often called the ‘fifth domain’. Nationalism has taken over the organization of the first four domains, in the form of constructing national states, national territorial waters and national airspace. The basic proposition of this article is that the ideology of nationalism has also infiltrated the fifth domain – cyberspace – in two ways. First, through state-led cyber-nationalism via official government websites that present ‘national’ achievements and propagate the official state positions on disputes about territory, symbols or history. Second, through individual communities who use the internet to sustain a sense of national belonging and/or to promote and disseminate their nationalist ideals. Both ways are important in an online national identity (re)production framework that, in a fluid, global, modern world, functions supportively towards the traditional national identity (re)production mechanisms. This article aims to examine the patterns of the nationalization of cyberspace through an analysis of state-led institutions and government websites that aim to enhance national identity and the sense of national belonging in a globalized world, as well as to propagate official state positions. It will focus on Greek, Dutch, US and Israeli websites. The term ‘nationalization’ in this context denotes the ideological charging of the cyber-footprint of the nation: how the internet produces and re-produces the nation, how the users partake in the national community by way of ‘consuming’ the digitalized national ideology, and the way cyber-nationalism defines people’s sense of belonging.

Author(s):  
Dan Jerker B. Svantesson

Internet jurisdiction has emerged as one of the greatest and most urgent challenges online, severely affecting areas as diverse as e-commerce, data privacy, law enforcement, content take-downs, cloud computing, e-health, Cyber security, intellectual property, freedom of speech, and Cyberwar. In this innovative book, Professor Svantesson presents a vision for a new approach to Internet jurisdiction––for both private international law and public international law––based on sixteen years of research dedicated specifically to the topic. The book demonstrates that our current paradigm remains attached to a territorial thinking that is out of sync with our modern world, especially, but not only, online. Having made the claim that our adherence to the territoriality principle is based more on habit than on any clear and universally accepted legal principles, Professor Svantesson advances a new jurisprudential framework for how we approach jurisdiction. He also proposes several other reform initiatives such as the concept of ‘investigative jurisdiction’ and an approach to geo-blocking, aimed at equipping us to solve the Internet jurisdiction puzzle. In addition, the book provides a history of Internet jurisdiction, and challenges our traditional categorisation of different types of jurisdiction. It places Internet jurisdiction in a broader context and outlines methods for how properly to understand and work with rules of Internet jurisdiction. While Solving the Internet Puzzle paints a clear picture of the concerns involved and the problems that needs to be overcome, this book is distinctly aimed at finding practical solutions anchored in a solid theoretical framework.


2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 607-621
Author(s):  
Faedah M. Totah

AbstractThe camp and the city are both important for understanding the relationship between space and identity in the refugee experience of exile. In the Palestinian example, the camp has emerged as a potent symbol in the narrative of exile although only a third of refugees registered with UNRWA live in camps. Moreover, the city and urban refugees remain missing in most of the scholarship on the Palestinian experience with space, exile, and identity. Furthermore, there is little attention to how refugees understand the concept of the city and camp in their daily life. This article examines how Palestinian urban refugees in the Old City of Damascus conceptualized the relationship between the camp and the city. It illustrates how the concept of the camp remained necessary for the construction of their collective national identity while in Syria. However, the city was essential in the articulation of individual desires and establishing social distinction from other refugees. Thus, during a protracted exile it is in the interstice between the city and the camp, where most urban refugees in the Old City situated themselves, that informed their national belonging and personal aspirations.


Arts ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Jerzy Gorzelik

The rise of nationalism threatened the integrity of the Catholic milieu in borderlands such as Prussian Upper Silesia. Facing this challenge, the ecclesiastical elite developed various strategies. This article presents interpretations of sacred art works from the first half of the 20th century, which reveal different approaches to national discourses expressed in iconographic programs. The spectrum of attitudes includes indifference, active counteraction to the progress of nationalism by promoting a different paradigm of building temporal imagined communities, acceptance of nationalistic metaphysics, which assumes the division of humanity into nations endowed with a unique personality, and a synthesis of Catholicism and nationalism, in which national loyalties are considered a Christian duty. The last position proved particularly expansive. Based on the primordialist concept of the nation and the historiosophical concept of Poland as a bulwark of Christianity, the Catholic-national ideology gained popularity among the pro-Polish clergy in the inter-war period. This was reflected in Church art works, which were to present Catholicism as the unchanging essence of the nation and the destiny of the latter resulting from God’s will. This strategy was designed to incorporate Catholic Slavophones into the national community. The adoption of a different concept of the nation by the pro-German priests associated with the Centre Party—with a stronger emphasis on the subjective criteria of national belonging—resulted in greater restraint in expressing national contents in sacred spaces.


2001 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 557-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy Webster

“In Malaya,” theDaily Mailnoted in 1953, “three and a half years of danger have given the planters time to convert their previously pleasant homes into miniature fortresses, with sandbag parapets, wire entanglements, and searchlights.” The image of the home as fortress and a juxtaposition of the domestic with menace and terror were central to British media representations of colonial wars in Malaya and Kenya in the 1950s. The repertoire of imagery deployed in theDaily Mailfor the “miniature fortress” in Malaya was extended to Kenya, where the newspaper noted wire over domestic windows, guns beside wine glasses, the charming hostess in her black silk dress with “an automatic pistol hanging at her hip.” Such images of English domesticity threatened by an alien other were also central to immigration discourse in the 1950s and 1960s. In the context of the decline of British colonial rule after 1945, representations of the empire and its legacy—resistance to colonial rule in empire and “immigrants” in the metropolis—increasingly converged on a common theme: the violation of domestic sanctuaries.Colonial wars of the late 1940s and 1950s have received little attention in literatures on national identity in early postwar Britain, but the articulation of racial difference through immigration discourse, and its significance in redefining the postimperial British national community has been widely recognized. As Chris Waters has suggested in his work on discourses of race and nation between 1947 and 1963, these years saw questions of race become central to questions of national belonging.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 115-123
Author(s):  
A. Igibayeva ◽  
◽  
D. Erbolatuly ◽  
G. Turarova ◽  
◽  
...  

The development of the modern world is very complex and rapid, and the process is characterized by high rates of development of information and communication technologies. The Internet space is a means of searching and obtaining information, as well as a medium for communication, virtual interaction, and has a significant impact on the formation of stereotypes of behavior of the young generation, as well as ideals, spiritual values, personal and social worldview. The article identifies the positive aspects of the development of cyberspace by young people, and also notes the threats and barriers to cyber socialization for modern youth. The necessity of conducting psychological and pedagogical research on cyber socialization is actualized, a conclusion is made about the use of new technologies for the purpose of positive cyber socialization of the younger generation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 50-52
Author(s):  
Natalia Aleksandrovna Tarasova ◽  

The article deals with the new project — the Internet portal Dostoevsky and the World, launched by the Pushkin House for the 200th anniversary of the writer’s birth. The work offers the basic information on the project. The Internet resource that would host the most representative examples of the reception of Dostoevsky’s personality and work in various epochs and in various countries is a great way to familiarize the modern reader with the wide scope of interest in Dostoevsky in the past and present. The project focuses on the non-academic reception, philosophical and aesthetic interpretations, the attitudes of public fi gures, writers, stage and movie directors, publicists, etc. The collection of case studies of Dostoevsky’s reception by today’s cultural fi gures, as well as the publication of the previously unknown writer-related sources of the past years, are of particular importance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-28
Author(s):  
Oleg N. Yanitsky

Based on Soviet sociologists being able to predict the fall of the USSR in the mid 1980’s, the author of this article seeks to understand whether social forecasting is possible in our unstable and constantly changing modern world. Relying on the theoretical work of Russian and Western sociologists conducted in the 2000’s, including his own research and his participation in three international projects, the author of this article demonstrates that to this day a dichotomous approach prevails in prognostic studies. Such an approach to analysis is preferred by most Anglo-Saxon scientists who study globalization. The article also examines the theoretical-methodological trends being developed outside the boundaries of the aforementioned dichotomous analysis by researchers from third-world countries. For example, subject to analysis is the heuristic potential of analyzing modern globalization as a self-organizing “movement of the movements”, as well as the need for interdisciplinary and metabolic analysis. Special attention is devoted to changes on the micro-level, in other words, to the position and lifestyle of an individual under conditions of fluid modernization. The article is concluded by certain specific considerations on the author’s part concerning the type and nature of the theory and methodology, which allow for adequately analyzing and predicting the dynamics of our modern non-equilibrium and mobile world. Analyzed are the methodological contradictions between social and physical sciences in their ideas and approaches when it comes to criteria and methods for predicting the dynamics of the globalized world.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksander Smalianczuk

In the Search for a National Idea: Krajowość in the Beginning of the Twentieth Century as an Attempt at “Lithuanian Poles’" IdeologyKrajowość as the national ideology of the “civil” (or “political”) type developed in Belarus and Lithuania at the beginning of the twentieth century. The adherents of krajowośćclaimed that all native inhabitants of historical Lithuania, disregarding their ethno-cultural identity, are “the citizens of the Kraj” [the Countrymen] and therefore belong to one nation. Some called them “the nation of Lithuanians.” The category of “the native inhabitants” was used in relation to the Lithuanians, Belarusians, Poles, Jews, and almost never to Russians. As the main criterion for a national identity they proclaimed patriotism and self-identification as citizens.The krajowość idea appeared among the nobility. Its representatives belong to the combined Polish culture in respect of their own Lithuanian and Belarusian origin. The former Grand Duchy of Lithuania was interpreted by them as a historical native land. It was the determining factor in the formation of a new identity.All adherents of krajowość (Michal Romer, Roman Skirmunt, Kanstancyja Skirmuntt, Ludwik Abramovich, etc.) belonged to the group of the “Lithuania (vel Belarus) Poles”. Despite their intentions, the krajowość idea was formed on the basis of the “Lithuanian Poles’” struggle for their own place in the new society. As a result, the ideology for “Lithuanian Poles” was created, but it could not neutralize the existing Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian conflict. W poszukiwaniu idei narodowej: „krajowość” początku XX wieku jako próba ideologii „Polaków litewskich”„Krajowość”, czyli ,,ideologia krajowa”, została sformułowana na Białorusi i Litwie na początku XX wieku. Krajowcy stwierdzali, że wszyscy rdzenni mieszkańcy historycznej Litwy, niezależnie od ich etnokulturowej i stanowej przynależności, należą do jednego „narodu Litwinów”. Za główne kryteria owej narodowej przynależności uznano poczucie patriotyzmu w stosunku do Litwy historycznej. Jednym z celów krajowości było pogodzenie partykularnych interesów miejscowych narodów z ich ogólnym interesem, pod jakim rozumiano dobro wspólnej Ojczyzny, historycznej Litwy. Jednak mimo zamiarów ideologów, którzy mówili o „obywatelach Kraju”, krajowość wyrosła z poszukiwania przez Polaków litewskich swego miejsca w nowym społeczeństwie. Koncepcja krajowa była ideologią Polaków litewskich, stworzoną przede wszystkim dla nich. Z postanowieniami krajowców była związana przede wszystkim perspektywa polskości na Litwie historycznej.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-109
Author(s):  
Ivan Kozachenko

From the first days of the Euromaidan protests, Ukrainian diasporas around the globe took an active part in supporting democratic change in Ukraine. These diasporic communities actively used social media to “represent” their national identity, to promote their visions of Ukraine’s past and future, and to network and coordinate their actions. This paper argues that the events of the Euromaidan made Ukrainian diasporas in Western countries “re-invent” and “re-imagine” their national belonging. In these processes historical memory, language, and regional identifications play a crucial part within the continuum between conservative ethnonationalist identities and “civic” ones that try to accommodate the ethnic and linguistic diversity of Ukraine in the diasporic setting. This study reveals that “civic” identity elements became more visible across Ukrainian diasporas, but that Russian aggression somewhat haltered the acceptance of diversity and reinforced previously existing conservative sentiments.


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