Tunisian Revolution: prerequisites, features, legal grounds

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maksim Zheltov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The People ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Tunisian Revolution ◽  
First Time ◽  
Legal Grounds ◽  
The Revolution

The monograph is devoted to the consideration of one of the urgent problems of political theory and practice — the revolution of freedom and dignity in Tunisia, which opened the way for deep democratic transformations in the Islamic country. This revolution has become a convincing example of new, one might say unprecedented before, opportunities for revolutionary renewal of the world within the framework of the current law and without violence, based on revolutionary legality. For the first time in the Islamic world, the possibility of a certain and sufficiently broad cooperation between revolutionary forces and representatives of the former dictatorial power in the country was shown in practice. The main force in the Tunisian Revolution was the masses of the people, who acted independently in the absence of any universally recognized leaders, political parties and movements. Finally, perhaps the highest achievement of the revolution was the adoption of a new constitution that defined the conditions for the subsequent political development of Tunisia. It is addressed to everyone who is interested in the political development of the modern world. It will be useful for postgraduates and undergraduates studying in the fields of "Political Science" and "Sociology", as well as for university and college teachers.

scholarly journals POLITICAL CULTURE OF THE MODERN WORLD: EPOCHAL TRANSFORMATIONS

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (50) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ihor Oleksiiovych Polishchuk ◽  
Tetiana Mykolaivna Maksimishyna
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Science And Policy ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Cultural Transformations ◽  
The People ◽  
Traditional Societies ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Modern Era

The article is devoted to the topical problem of political and cultural transformations in the interaction between political power and its only source in democratic discourse, the people. This eternal problem of political science and policy is considered in chronological order in the global context and in today’s Ukraine. In traditional societies, there was a remote and alienated coexistence of state institutions and the masses. The exception was the democratic republics of ancient polises. The modern era generates a contractual theory of the origin of the state, which considers the institutions of power as the result of a social agreement between the sovereign people and the governors. In the modern era in the middle of the twentieth century, the concept of the welfare state was formed. In the postmodern era, unstable life forces citizens to behave in relation to state power, depending on the actualization of a particular guise of their own existence. Citizens are losing a clear, unambiguous idea of state power, its functions, place and role in society.

The New German Constitution

1920 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter James Shepard
Keyword(s):  
Direct Action ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
Real Nature ◽  
The People ◽  
German Constitution ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Indefinite Future ◽  
The Revolution

To understand the real nature of the government which now, under its new constitution, is attempting to guide the German nation through the perils of reconstruction is indeed a baffling problem. We are as yet too close to the events which brought it into existence and clothed it with constitutional forms to attempt their evaluation or to determine their significance. The revolution was so unlike what we should have expected as necessary to shift the ultimate power in the state from a narrow military and landed oligarchy to the masses of the people, that a doubt forces itself upon us as to its genuineness. The war, with its shattering of national ideals, its appalling toll of life, the grinding misery which it imposed, and the insuperable financial bondage to which it condemned the nation for an indefinite future, might account for a thorough popular disillusionment which would sweep the nation into the current of democracy. But if this were the case, we would expect a general enthusiasm for the new government, an evident popular sense of the passing of the dark night of autocratic rule and a joy in the light of a new and happier day.This is exactly what does not exist. There are three classes in Germany today. The first, who constitute only a small minority, are the nationalists and militarists who are bitterly opposed to the republic, and even now are agitating at every favorable opportunity for the restoration of the monarchy in its old form. The second class are likewise a comparatively small minority. They are the revolutionaries, the Spartacists with some of the Independent Socialists, who are just as strongly opposed to the government, using wherever possible the instruments of direct action to inaugurate the revolution which they believe has not yet been achieved. The vast mass of the nation appear to be utterly indifferent with respect to forms of government.

scholarly journals Inequality in the context of economic globalization: the empirical sociological dimension

2020 ◽  
pp. 66-85
Author(s):  
Vitalina Butkaliuk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Goods ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Current System ◽  
Economic Globalization ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
The United States ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The People ◽  
The Masses

The article is devoted to the study of the state and dynamics of socio-economic inequality in the modern world in the context of economic globalization. Based on the analysis of foreign and domestic literature, as well as large statistical and sociological information, the author argues that the implementation of neoliberal reforms has become a key factor in increasing inequality both globally and within individual countries, regardless of their level of development. The author pays special attention to public opinion research in the US and Ukraine on social inequality, social justice and the distribution of public goods. By showing that in both the most developed capitalist country, the United States, and in the "transitional" post-Soviet Ukraine, the majority of the population critically evaluates existing systems of distribution of public goods and advocates the transition to more egalitarian models of social development. In the United States, the most critical to the system of distribution of public goods in the country are such groups as the youth, the poorest segment of the people, the sympathizers of the Democratic Party and the liberals. With regard to Ukrainians, was found the connection between assessing the fairness of the current system and age, education, region of residence, and the level of respondents' income. Most critically, it is estimated by the elderly, the respondents with the lowest levels of education, the residents of the South of country and the people with the lowest income. The rise of inequality and, as a consequence, the conflict and tensions in the world, the radicalization and aggravation of the political situation are the key features of the modern neoliberal order. The inability to increase wealth for the majority of the population amid growing wealth of the richest and increasing concentration of wealth may lead to increased discontent among the masses and cause many social upheavals. The inability to increase wealth for the majority of the population amid growing wealth of the richest and increasing concentration of wealth would lead to increased discontent among the masses and cause many social upheavals.

scholarly journals EXECUTIVE/LEGISLATIVE RELATIONSHIP IN BAYELSA STATE UNDER GOVERNOR HENRY SERIAKE DICKSON’S ADMINISTRATION: ISSUES AND CHALLENGES

2015 ◽  
pp. 318-329
Author(s):  
Okoko Sinizibe ◽  
Frank Ogbomah ◽  
Kakatei Juanita
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Secondary Source ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Research Questions

The administration of any democratic state revolves around the three constitutionally recognized arms of government; the legislature, executive and the judiciary. Their relationship is very important for the actualization of the goals of the state. However, this relationship is more pronounced between the executive and the legislature as both appear to belong to political parties and are elected by the electorates. Executive/legislative relationship most times appears conflictual and in some cases cooperative. The study examines the executive/legislative relationship in Bayelsa State to determine the nature and the issues and challenges in their relationship during Henry Seriake Dickson administration. To achieve the objective of the study, two research questions were formulated to guide the study. System theory was used as framework for analysis. The study draws its arguments basically from secondary source hence content analysis research design was used to analyze the secondary data. The findings revealed that the executive dominated the legislature in their relationship under Henry Seriake Dickson’s administration which weakened the ability of the legislators to effectively perform their duties as the representatives of the people. It was also revealed that the unprofessional and inexperience of the legislators also affected their ability to effectively perform their duties which affected the social, economic and political development of the state. In the light of the above, the study recommends amongst others that the legislature should wake up to their responsibility as the watchdog of the executive and effectively monitor the activities of the executive in order to ensure good governance in Bayelsa State. More experienced people should be elected to the legislature to curtail the excesses and the continued dominance of the executive on the legislature and other institutions of government.

scholarly journals The revolutionary thoughts viewed in the Bharathidasan Revolutionary poems

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-52
Author(s):  
Thana Lekshmi P
Keyword(s):  
Women's Education ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The People ◽  
Good Will ◽  
Good Government ◽  
Love Life ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Revolution

Bharathidasan, who wanted to spread revolutionary ideas among the masses, created an miniature Epic “Puratchi Kavi”. In the days when discrimination of the poor was spreading among the masses and the poor were forced to live as slaves, the revolution of all was one. For good government, he established the importance of women's education through the Educational lust of the head. The revolutionary specialty is the manipulation of the weapon of love to eliminate the discrimination of the superior and the inferior. The king opposition for love life takes to the Slaughterhouse. There in the presence of the people, they present their situation and the decision is left in the hands of the people. Because this article tells us that the revolution of the people is the flowering of democracy and that the good will flow only if the democracy blossoms.

scholarly journals Domesticating Vigilantism in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: The Challenge Ahead

2020 ◽  
pp. 24-39
Author(s):  
George Asekere
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
The Masses ◽  
First Time ◽  
Negative Acts

Political party vigilantism in Ghana has consistently been on the ascendency since the return to Constitutional rule in 1993. Their activities have usually been during and after elections across the country. By-elections in Atiwa, Akwatia, Chereponi, Talensi, Amenfi West and more recently Ayawaso West Wuogon, have all been marred by acts of violence. Ghana in 2017 recorded for the first time political party vigilante groups storming a courtroom in Kumasi and freeing some of their members standing trial after assaulting a regional security coordinator in the second largest region in the country – Ashanti region. The paper seeks to highlight the dangers inherent in this rather negative development which could reverse the gains Ghana has made in consolidating its democracy. The author relied on secondary data including relevant media publications and statements from civil society organizations, political parties and religious bodies on vigilantism in Ghana. Findings show that the seed of vigilantism has been sowed and allowed to be nurtured to the extent that the parties have taken uncompromising positions in ending the cancer because it borders on political power. A law has been passed but indications are that nothing much is changing. The National Peace Council has intervened yet there is no sign of lasting solution to the problem. The paper concludes that all stakeholders especially the civil society organizations and the religious bodies ought to be objective and bold to openly name and shame political parties whose members engage in negative acts of vigilantism and urge the masses to vote against such parties or else the phenomenon will persist and its ramifications will be disastrous.

scholarly journals Muslim and Democracy: A Reflection from 2012 Aceh’s Gubernatorial Election

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 545-555
Author(s):  
Irfan Iryadi ◽  
Mursyidin Zakaria ◽  
Effendi Hasan ◽  
Dedy Tabrani ◽  
Fadhil Ilhamsyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Mass Politics ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Gubernatorial Election ◽  
Political Dialectic

This paper explores about governor election in Aceh period 2012-2017 as a socio-political lesson. At that moment, political trends in Aceh are ongoing mass politics, not politics ideology based on the interests of the people. Mass politics is crewed politics on the basis of pragmatic and opportunist ideology. Intimidation and massive mobilization of the masses accompanied by money politics and imagery are characteristic of mass politics. In mass politics the potential for conflict is also quite high. Not often people who are victims. People admits that gubernatorial election of Aceh in 2012  was won by Zaini Abdullah and Muzakkir Manaf (Zikir) carried out by local political parties, namely the Party Aceh, the legislature is complete and the executive is entirely in the hands of the Party's control Aceh. All his potions and political teachings will be lowered to the service arena for Acehnese people during the 2012-2017 period. But the question then blocks in all of our minds, will the opposition be still dare to survive with the political dialectic recently? Of course we can see this at least in the first six months post the inauguration of Zikir as governor and deputy the governor of Aceh later.

All-Union Congress of Eye Doctors in Moscow

1927 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-144
Author(s):  
R. A. Batarchukov
Keyword(s):  
Major Event ◽  
Special Place ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Masses ◽  
First Time ◽  
Considerable Period ◽  
The Revolution

The last days of September last year should be undoubtedly marked as the moment of a major event in Russian ophthalmology, - during these days, from 27 September to 1 October, the First All-Union Congress of Ophthalmologists convened at the initiative of the People's Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR in Moscow. This congress occupies a special place among the masses of congresses in various fields of medicine, if only because it is the first time during the war and the revolution that it meets together after a considerable period which has elapsed since the 1st All-Russian Congress of Oculists took place exactly 13 years ago.

France: The Come-Back of Political Parties

2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Wolff ◽  
Gregory Mounier
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The People ◽  
Negative Connotation ◽  
De Gaulle ◽  
The Revolution

On 21 September 1792, at Danton's proposal, the French National Assembly declared that ‘there can be no constitution but one approved by the people’. In France, the idea of direct democracy dates back to the Revolution. However, due to the Terror and the practice under Napoleonic Empires, in which they were turned into plebiscites, referendums acquired a negative connotation. Under the Vth Republic, De Gaulle turned referendums into an instrument of personalisation and presidentialisation, and since his day, there have been few referendums staged. In 10 years of office, President Jacques Chirac only used it twice with much less success and political courage.

National Policy, Agrarian Reform, and the Corporate Community during the Guatemalan Revolution, 1944–1954

1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 698-724 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Handy
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Agrarian Reform ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Corporate Community ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Revolution

The ‘revolution’ from 1944 to 1954 prompted important changes in rural communities in Guatemala. The extension of many government services to rural areas for the first time, the involvement of political parties in village politics, and the growth of a rural labour federation all altered the political, economic, and social organization of rural Guatemala irrevocably. Changes became even more dramatic and more significant after 1950 with the growth of a national peasant league and the passage of a comprehensive agrarian reform law in 1952. Despite its importance, the changes that came to rural Guatemala with the revolution are not well understood and the shape of the‘revolution in the countryside’continues to be debated.

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