15. Mergers

Author(s):  
Alison Jones ◽  
Brenda Sufrin ◽  
Niamh Dunne

This chapter discusses the regime for controlling mergers which have an ‘EU dimension’ under the European Union Merger Regulation (EUMR). The chapter examines: the purposes of merger control; the history of the EUMR; the scheme of the EUMR and the concept of the ‘one-stop shop’; jurisdiction under the EUMR, including the definition of a ‘concentration’ and what amounts to an ‘EU dimension’; procedure, including Phase I and Phase II proceedings; the substantive appraisal of horizontal, and non-horizontal mergers under the EUMR and the test of significantly impeding effective competition (SIEC); EUMR statistics; appeals; and international issues.

Author(s):  
Alison Jones ◽  
Brenda Sufrin

All books in this flagship series contain carefully selected substantial extracts from key cases, legislation, and academic debate, providing able students with a stand-alone resource. This chapter discusses the following: the purposes of merger control; the history of the European merger control regulation; the scheme of the European merger control regulation; jurisdiction; procedure; substantive appraisal of concentrations under the European Union Merger Regulation (EUMR); EUMR statistics; appeals; and international issues.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 701-713 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Nielsen

Writing the history of a continent is generally a tricky business. If the continent is not even a real continent, but rather ‘a western peninsula of Asia’ (Alexander von Humboldt) without a clear definition of where the continent becomes peninsula, things do not get any easier. Despite these problems there is no dearth of trying. In fact, writing European histories seems to become more fashionable by the year — ironically just as the political and institutional expansion of Europe is losing steam. While the European Union is catching its breath, the historians are catching up. With the first wave of post-Euro and post-big-bang-Enlargement literature written, it is time for the reviewer to survey the landscape — and to provide some guideposts for future exploration.


Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 137-149
Author(s):  
Maria Buck

While in the early days of the European history of culture the Alps were seen as forbidding, since the 1970s environmental activists have used this description, turning it the other way round — now it is the Alps that are increasingly threatened by today’s environmental problems. Noise, air pollution, deforestation and problems relating to ozone depletion threaten the ecologically sensitive Alpine range. The problems affect not just the Alps, but owing to geographical and topographic conditions their consequences are particularly strong here. Thus the Alps constitute a reference framework as well as a point of origin for the thematisation of ecological problems. Defenders of the Alps were especially critical of the claims — or, more openly, designs — of the European Union in the area of transport, tourism and energy. The relations between the Alps and the European Union constituted a unique moment in the discussion of environmental activists. On the one hand they styled the Alps as a model ecological region in contrast to the economy-focused European Union, and on the other the European Union served as a common enemy, which turned the Alps into a political argument in declaring unity of this space. This unity was, according to the defenders of the Alps, important in the context of securing and forcing through the region’s internal needs. To sum up, the Alps were presented as a place where various, partly opposing, economic, ecological and political interest met, and a place appropriated, depending on the context, as a living, cultural and economic space, as Europe’s roof and water tower, or as a holiday idyll and sports arena. Given the collaboration of Alpine environmentalists crossing state borders south and north of the Brenner Pass, and within the extraordinarily politically and socially heterogenous resistance movement in North Tirol, a question arises: to what extent have the Alps generated unique forms of identification for these figures? The author of the article argues that for Alpine environmentalists the Alps are both a discursive and a physical space, used as an identity-building element and space of activity.


Equilibrium ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Nacewska-Twardowska

Foreign trade is one of the main expressions of international cooperation in the world, which indicates the specific location of trade policy in the policy of the countries or organizations. The history of trade shows the existence of two opposite trade coordinating practices: regional and multilateral. In the post-war history, there can be seen the coexistence of both trends. An excellent example of this is the European Union, where both practice of coordination the trade policy unite. On the one hand, the Community is in itself an exception to the principle of trade liberalization on a multilateral basis, on the other hand for many years it has actively participated in the creation of a common commercial policy for all at the forum of GATT and the WTO. Common commercial policy of the Union is one of the pillars of its existence, affecting significantly the region's economic development. Therefore, in a time of crisis it is important to question how the common commercial policy is being shaped today and whether changes in the global economy affect the change in its formation? Last years point out the increasing trend of regionalism in Community. The difficulties increasing in the formation the trade policy in the WTO effects in many changes. Even enthusiastic proponents of the idea of multilateralism in trade seek for new solutions. In this situation the European Union looks of possibilities to form of the widest possible bilateral relations with other countries or organizations.


Author(s):  
Александра Борисовна Гайнетдинова ◽  
Татьяна Константиновна Демидова ◽  
Елена Олеговна Тулупова

At present, the issue of migration to the European Union is very acute, despite many attempts of the under question countries’ leaders to stabilize the situation. On the one hand, European Union authorities are unable to cope with a massive human flow, and on the other hand, local population’ discontent with Europe’s Islamization is mounting. It is obvious that the migrants who have arrived in European countries are reluctant to learn the native language, do not accept the culture, do not accept the rules of conduct in European society, and sometimes dictate their own conditions. It undoubtedly disturbs European society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olena Bevz

The article is devoted to the definition of the legal nature of the Emerald network, as well as to the issues of the formation of the Emerald Network in the context of Ukraine's international obligations. In particular, the history of the appearance of the term “Emerald Network” in international acts, the criteria and the procedure for designating territories of the Emerald Network is investigated. In addition, the article deals with the problems connected with the legal provision of the formation of the Emerald Network in Ukraine. It is emphasized that the adoption of the relevant legislation is foreseen by the international obligations of Ukraine as a Member State of Convention on the Conservation of European Wildlife and Natural Habitats and Association Agreement between the European Union and its Member States, of the one part, and Ukraine, of the other part. The provisions of the draft Law of Ukraine "On the Territories of the Emerald Network” are analyzed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 87 (87(03)) ◽  
pp. 275-322
Author(s):  
Alfonso Noguera Peña ◽  
Carlos del Castillo Rodríguez

Medicines and the professional activity of the pharmacists are the subject of study of Pharmaceutical Law and Pharmaceutical Legislation. In this paper, on the one hand, the definition of these disciplines is examined, as well as their field of study, evolution and sources. On the other hand, the development of Pharmaceutical Legislation in the European Union is analysed in three clearly differentiated periods and related to different juridic enactments of generations of norms that affect medicines. Special attention has been paid to the so–called third generation standards, as the regulatory developments at European Union level and national level have been depened in the last three decades. Finally, those areas of the pharmaceutical sector that could have a regulatory development in the coming years are detailed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-556
Author(s):  
Jürgen R. Grote

AbstractThis paper adopts the wide definition of civil society, namely the one suggested by the EU. It includes all sorts of private collectives from producer groups, trade unions, care and common cause organizations, NGOs, to social and protest movements. Distinguishing between a structural (governance) and an actor-centred perspective (collective action) and, orthogonally, two levels of territorial complexity (the sub-, and the supranational), the history of the relationship between the EU and civil society is presented for the period of the past 35 years. It turns out that despite enormous efforts invested in the relationship from the part of both sides, and of many heroic declamations aimed at pathbreaking reform, the outcome tends to be relatively meagre and disenchanting both in institutional and organizational terms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 121-136
Author(s):  
Maria Buck

While in the early days of the European history of culture the Alps were seen as forbidding, since the 1970s environmental activists have used this description, turning it the other way round — now it is the Alps that are increasingly threatened by today’s environmental problems. Noise, air pollution, deforestation and problems relating to ozone depletion threaten the ecologically sensitive Alpine range. The problems affect not just the Alps, but owing to geographical and topographic conditions their consequences are particularly strong here. Thus the Alps constitute a reference framework as well as a point of origin for the thematisation of ecological problems. Defenders of the Alps were especially critical of the claims — or, more openly, designs — of the European Union in the area of transport, tourism and energy. The relations between the Alps and the European Union constituted a unique moment in the discussion of environmental activists. On the one hand they styled the Alps as a model ecological region in contrast to the economy-focused European Union, and on the other the European Union served as a common enemy, which turned the Alps into a political argument in declaring unity of this space. This unity was, according to the defenders of the Alps, important in the context of securing and forcing through the region’s internal needs. To sum up, the Alps were presented as a place where various, partly opposing, economic, ecological and political interest met, and a place appropriated, depending on the context, as a living, cultural and economic space, as Europe’s roof and water tower, or as a holiday idyll and sports arena. Given the collaboration of Alpine environmentalists crossing state borders south and north of the Brenner Pass, and within the extraordinarily politically and socially heterogenous resistance movement in North Tirol, a question arises: to what extent have the Alps generated unique forms of identification for these figures? The author of the article argues that for Alpine environmentalists the Alps are both a discursive and a physical space, used as an identity-building element and space of activity.


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