استخدام مواقع الشبكات الاجتماعية و علاقته بالمشاركة السياسية في الانتخابات الرئاسية المصرية 2014 : دراسة ميدانية على عينة من الشباب الجامعي المصري = Usage of Social Networks and Its Impact on Political Participation in the 2014 Egyptian Presidential Election : A Field Study on a Sample of Egyptian University Students

2015 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
ممدوح السيد عبد الهادي شتلة ◽  
حنان كامل حنفي مرعي
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
University Students ◽  
Field Study ◽  
Presidential Election

Barrier or Booster? Digital Media, Social Networks, and Youth Micromobilization

2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (6) ◽  
pp. 865-883 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas V. Maher ◽  
Jennifer Earl
Keyword(s):  
High School ◽  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
University Students ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Network Ties ◽  
Media Usage ◽  
The Family

Research on young people’s protest participation has focused on how the family, peers, and institutions support activism and micromobilization. But digital and social media usage has arguably altered how we interact and how individuals participate in politics and activism, especially among youth. This sets up an important question: Do the institutional supports (e.g., schools) and network ties (e.g., friends and family) that have historically driven micromobilization still matter in a world of pervasive digital and social media usage, particularly for youth? In this article, we analyze this question using interviews with 40 high school and university students. Rather than acting as a disruptive force, we find that digital media has become an integral part of youth micromobilization, facilitating traditional paths to activism and offering pathways to activism for those with no other options. As has been true historically, participation may also be dampened when supportive network ties are absent. We conclude with a discussion of the broader implications for micromobilization and political participation.

Resilience and Support Networks for University Students with Disabilities

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 164
Author(s):  
María Leonila García Cedeño ◽  
Anicia Katherine Tarazona Meza ◽  
Robert Gonzalo Cedeño Mejía
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
University Students ◽  
Students With Disabilities ◽  
Pearson Correlation ◽  
Support Networks ◽  
Pearson Correlation Coefficient ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Disabled Students ◽  
The Social ◽  
Student Resilience

Resilience is a phenomenon that can be studied in catastrophic situations but also in everyday matters such as disability, this being an alternative way of working in the environment that requires the adaptation of the social networks that contain and support people with this condition. The research was conducted at the Technical University of Manabí applied to the population of students with disabilities. The paper presents an analysis of support networks and their relationship with student resilience. The results related to the application of the Saavedra-Villalta test are shown, which allowed to correlate the level of resilience of the sample studied with the support networks. An analysis linked to the interpretation of the Pearson correlation coefficient is presented. The result obtained is presented by applying semi-structured interviews to a sample of 48 disabled students.

scholarly journals A Data-Driven Framework for Coding the Intent and Extent of Political Tweeting, Disinformation, and Extremism

Information ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 148
Author(s):  
Mahdi Hashemi
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Online Social Networks ◽  
Data Driven ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
News Sources ◽  
The U.S

Disinformation campaigns on online social networks (OSNs) in recent years have underscored democracy’s vulnerability to such operations and the importance of identifying such operations and dissecting their methods, intents, and source. This paper is another milestone in a line of research on political disinformation, propaganda, and extremism on OSNs. A total of 40,000 original Tweets (not re-Tweets or Replies) related to the U.S. 2020 presidential election are collected. The intent, focus, and political affiliation of these political Tweets are determined through multiple discussions and revisions. There are three political affiliations: rightist, leftist, and neutral. A total of 171 different classes of intent or focus are defined for Tweets. A total of 25% of Tweets were left out while defining these classes of intent. The purpose is to assure that the defined classes would be able to cover the intent and focus of unseen Tweets (Tweets that were not used to determine and define these classes) and no new classes would be required. This paper provides these classes, their definition and size, and example Tweets from them. If any information is included in a Tweet, its factuality is verified through valid news sources and articles. If any opinion is included in a Tweet, it is determined that whether or not it is extreme, through multiple discussions and revisions. This paper provides analytics with regard to the political affiliation and intent of Tweets. The results show that disinformation and extreme opinions are more common among rightists Tweets than leftist Tweets. Additionally, Coronavirus pandemic is the topic of almost half of the Tweets, where 25.43% of Tweets express their unhappiness with how Republicans have handled this pandemic.

scholarly journals Field Study on Nationality Differences in Adaptive Thermal Comfort of University Students in Dormitories during Summer in Japan

Atmosphere ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 566
Author(s):  
Vanya Y. Draganova ◽  
Hiroki Yokose ◽  
Kazuyo Tsuzuki ◽  
Yuki Nabeshima
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
Field Study ◽  
Thermal Sensation ◽  
Thermal Sensitivity ◽  
Multiple Regression Model ◽  
Probit Analysis ◽  
Temperature Threshold ◽  
Japanese Students ◽  
Adaptive Thermal Comfort ◽  
Tokai Region

A summer field study was conducted in two university dormitories in the Tokai region of Central Japan. The study aimed at understanding the correlation between subjective thermal responses as well as whether nationality was affecting the responses. It was observed that nationality significantly affected thermal sensitivity and preference. The occupants’ acceptance for thermal stress was invariably above 90%. Despite the high levels of humidity observed, the multiple regression model showed that only the indoor air temperature was significant for explaining the variability of thermal sensation for both Japanese and non-Japanese students. The highest probability of voting neutral for university students in dormitory buildings in the Tokai region of Japan was estimated within 24~26.5 °C (by probit analysis). Japanese students were more sensitive to their indoor environment as opposed to the international students. The adjusted linear regression coefficient yielded from the room-wise day-wise averages were 0.48/K and 0.35/K for Japanese sensitivity and international sensitivity, respectively. In our study, the Griffiths’ model of estimating comfort temperature (or thermal neutrality) showed weak predictability and notable differences from the actually voted comfort. The neutral and comfort temperature observed and estimated in the study remained invariably below the recommended temperature threshold for Japan in summer leading to believe that that threshold is worth reevaluating.

scholarly journals On the Stability of Social Preferences in Inter-Group Conflict: A Lab-in-the-Field Panel Study

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272199408
Author(s):  
Robert Böhm ◽  
Jürgen Fleiß ◽  
Robert Rybnicek
Keyword(s):  
Field Study ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Social Preferences ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Group Conflict ◽  
Considerable Heterogeneity ◽  
Specific Preference ◽  
Group Members ◽  
The Stability

Despite the omnipresence of inter-group conflicts, little is known about the heterogeneity and stability of individuals’ social preferences toward in-group and out-group members. To identify the prevalence and stability of social preferences in inter-group conflict, we gather quota-representative, incentivized data from a lab-in-the-field study during the heated 2016 Austrian presidential election. We assess social preferences toward in-group and out-group members one week before, one week after, and three months after the election. We find considerable heterogeneity in individuals’ group-(in)dependent social preferences. Utilizing various econometric strategies, we find largely stable social preferences over the course of conflict. Yet, there is some indication of variation, particularly when the conflict becomes less salient. Variation is larger in social preferences toward in-group members and among specific preference types. We discuss the theoretical implications of our findings and outline potential avenues for future research.

Islamic Headcovering and Political Engagement: The Power of Social Networks

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aubrey Westfall ◽  
Özge Çelik Russell ◽  
Bozena Welborne ◽  
Sarah Tobin
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Muslim Americans ◽  
Muslim American ◽  
American Muslim ◽  
Muslim American Women

AbstractThis article explores the relationship between headcovering and women's political participation through an original online survey of 1,917 Muslim-American women. As a visible marker of religious group identity, wearing the headscarf can orient the integration of Muslim women into the American political system via its impact on the openness of their associational life. Our survey respondents who cover are more likely to form insular, strong ties with predominantly Muslim friend networks, which decreased their likelihood of voting and affiliating with a political party. Interestingly, frequency of mosque attendance across both covered and uncovered respondents is associated with a higher probability of political participation, an effect noted in other religious institutions in the United States. Yet, mosque attendance can simultaneously decrease the political engagement of congregants if they are steered into exclusively religious friend groups. This discovery reveals a tension within American Muslim religious life and elaborates on the role of religious institutions vs. social networks in politically mobilizing Muslim-Americans.

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