scholarly journals Permeabilidade da política comercial brasileira diante da participação da Coalizão Empresarial Brasileira durante as negociações do acordo Mercosul e União Europeia | Brazilian trade policy permeability in the face of Brazilian Business Coalition participation during the negotiations of the Mercosul and European Union agreement

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e57620
Author(s):  
Alexsandro Eugenio Pereira ◽  
Danniele Varella Rios

Este artigo tem como objetivo investigar em que medida a política comercial brasileira esteve permeável às pressões domésticas exercidas pela Coalizão Empresarial Brasileira - CEB ao longo das negociações comerciais entre o Mercosul e a União Europeia. Sustenta-se a hipótese de que a participação desse grupo esteve condicionada à sua contribuição técnica, enquanto sua influência política foi limitada pela autonomia decisória do Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Para testar essa hipótese, foram analisadas 83 propostas presentes em documento publicado pela CEB, classificadas em técnicas ou “posicionais” e comparadas com o resultado do acordo, disponibilizado pelo Itamaraty. Os resultados apontam para alto grau de permeabilidade de propostas técnicas (X=0,75), frente ao baixo grau de permeabilidade de propostas “posicionais” (X=0,38). No entanto, para inferir sobre a relação desse resultado com a autonomia decisória do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, seria necessário um aprofundamento da investigação por meio de métodos qualitativos como o process tracing. Palavras-chave: Participação empresarial; permeabilidade; política comercial.ABSTRACT This article aims to investigate the extent to which Brazilian trade policy was permeable to domestic pressures conducted by the Brazilian Business Coalition - CEB during trade negotiations between Mercosur and the European Union. The hypothesis holds that this group's participation was conditioned to its technical contribution, while its political influence was limited by the decision-making autonomy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. To test this hypothesis, 83 proposals present in a document published by CEB were classified as technical or “positional” and compared with the result of the agreement, published by Itamaraty. The results point to a high degree of permeability of technical proposals (X = 0.75), compared to the low degree of “positional” proposals (X = 0.38). However, to infer about the linkage between this result and decision-making autonomy of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it would be necessary to deepen the investigation through qualitative methods such as process tracing.Keywords: Business participation; permeability; trade policy. Recebido em 07 fev. 2021 | Aceito em 30 ago. 2021 

Author(s):  
Panos Koutrakos

A main feature of the European Union’s constitutional arrangements, as laid down in the Treaty on the European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), is the organization of the rules governing external policies around the theme of integration. This is illustrated in different ways. First, the external policies of the Union are all part of what the Treaties describe as the Union’s ‘external action’. Terms such as ‘external policies’ or ‘actions’ are avoided. Instead, the choice of the reference to ‘external action’ signifies the design of the EU’s foreign affairs as a coherent whole.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Liridon Dalipi ◽  
Mejdi Bektashi ◽  
Arben Sahiti

This paper addresses the issue of independent institutions in Kosovo that are constitutional category, their operation and role within the state, problems and challenges that arise especially in those areas that the issue of regulation is very sensitive. The key focus in this study is IMC. This paper contains analysis of political influence on financing and appointment in decision making bodies. Furthermore, it includes analysis of the political independence from industry. These issues will be addressed according to the guidelines and recommendations of the European Union compared with domestic legislation and various European practices. This study has been done using secondary data, and it concludes that Independent Institutions in Kosova are not immune from the political and industry influences, and it provides some recommendations on how to avoid such influences.


2016 ◽  
pp. 122-140
Author(s):  
Kamil Ławniczak

The complex system of decision-making in the Council of the European Union has many specific features which require explanation. This article presents a constructivist approach to this problem and focuses on the influence of socialisation. First, it explains why inquiry into the decision-making in the Council from the constructivist perspective is justified and then proposes the use of process-tracing, a method that allows to trace causal mechanisms linking the effects of socialisation and the characteristics of decision-making in the Council. Second, a typology of socialisation mechanisms and effects is presented. The third section is an attempt to use the inductive variety of process-tracing in order to explain certain qualities of decision-making in the Council. The final section outlines the theory-oriented approach to process-tracing, which could follow from the presented conceptualisation and explains the need to include the constitutive aspects of socialisation within the causal framework of process-tracing research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (8) ◽  
pp. 1118-1150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amie Kreppel ◽  
Buket Oztas

Setting the political agenda is a critical and usually powerful aspect of policy making. However, the ability to set the agenda, without any significant decision-making powers, can undermine this influence, leaving a technical agenda setter without substantive political influence. This research examines the difference between technical and political agenda setting through an analysis of the policy impact of the Commission of the European Union (EU). Using two newly developed databases on Commission policy priorities and all adopted EU legislation, as well as the Decision Making in the European Union (DEU II) dataset, we investigate the ability of the Commission to shape EU legislative outcomes to reflect its policy preferences between 2000 and 2011. Our analyses highlight the comparative weakness of the Commission’s policy influence, despite its formal monopoly of legislative initiation. In this way, we argue for a need to carefully differentiate between technical and political agenda setters when evaluating the policy influence of different political actors.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Liridon Dalipi ◽  
Mejdi Bektashi ◽  
Arben Sahiti

This paper addresses the issue of independent institutions in Kosovo that are constitutional category, their operation and role within the state, problems and challenges that arise especially in those areas that the issue of regulation is very sensitive. The key focus in this study is IMC. This paper contains analysis of political influence on financing and appointment in decision making bodies. Furthermore, it includes analysis of the political independence from industry. These issues will be addressed according to the guidelines and recommendations of the European Union compared with domestic legislation and various European practices. This study has been done using secondary data, and it concludes that Independent Institutions in Kosova are not immune from the political and industry influences, and it provides some recommendations on how to avoid such influences.


2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 1119-1126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liridon Dalipi

This paper addresses the issue of independent institutions in Kosovo that are constitutional category, their operation and role within the state, problems and challenges that arise especially in those areas that the issue of regulation is very sensitive. The key focus in this study is IMC. This paper contains analysis of political influence on financing and appointment in decision making bodies. Furthermore, it includes analysis of the political independence from industry. These issues will be addressed according to the guidelines and recommendations of the European Union compared with domestic legislation and various European practices. This study has been done using secondary data, and it concludes that Independent Institutions in Kosovo are not immune from the political and industry influences, and it provides some recommendations on how to avoid such influences.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (140) ◽  
pp. 379-392
Author(s):  
Helmut Dietrich

Poland accepted the alien and asylum policy of the European Union. But what does it mean, in the face of the fact that most of the refugees don´t want to sojourn a lot of time in Poland, but want to join their families or friends in Western Europe? How the transfer of policies does work, if the local conditions are quite different than in Germany or France? The answer seems to be the dramatization of the refugee situation in Poland, especially the adoption of emergency measures towards refugees of Chechnya.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of the withdrawal agreement concluded between the United Kingdom and the European Union to create the legal framework for Brexit. Building on a prior volume, it overviews the process of Brexit negotiations that took place between the UK and the EU from 2017 to 2019. It also examines the key provisions of the Brexit deal, including the protection of citizens’ rights, the Irish border, and the financial settlement. Moreover, the book assesses the governance provisions on transition, decision-making and adjudication, and the prospects for future EU–UK trade relations. Finally, it reflects on the longer-term challenges that the implementation of the 2016 Brexit referendum poses for the UK territorial system, for British–Irish relations, as well as for the future of the EU beyond Brexit.


Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

The European Union was born as an international organization. The 1957 Treaty of Rome formed part of international law, although the European Court of Justice was eager to emphasize that the Union constitutes “a new legal order” of international law. With time, this new legal order has indeed evolved into a true “federation of States.” Yet how would the foreign affairs powers of this new supranational entity be divided? Would the European Union gradually replace the member states, or would it preserve their distinct and diverse foreign affairs voices? In the past sixty years, the Union has indeed significantly sharpened its foreign affairs powers. While still based on the idea that it has no plenary power, the Union’s external competences have expanded dramatically, and today it is hard to identify a nucleus of exclusive foreign affairs powers reserved for the member states. And in contrast to a classic international law perspective, the Union’s member states only enjoy limited treaty-making powers under European law. Their foreign affairs powers are limited by the exclusive powers of the Union, and they may be preempted through European legislation. There are, however, moments when both the Union and its states enjoy overlapping foreign affairs powers. For these situations, the Union legal order has devised a number of cooperative mechanisms to safeguard a degree of “unity” in the external actions of the Union. Mixed agreements constitute an international mechanism that brings the Union and the member states to the same negotiating table. The second constitutional device is internal to the Union legal order: the duty of cooperation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document