The RUMA Alliance targets: an overview

Livestock ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 176-179
Author(s):  
Chris Lloyd

The Responsible Use of Medicines in Agriculture Alliance (RUMA) was established to promote the highest standards of food safety, animal health and animal welfare in the British livestock industry. It has a current focus to deliver on the Government objective of identifying sector-specific targets for the reduction, refinement or replacement of antibiotics in animal agriculture. The creation and roll out of sector specific targets in 2017 through the RUMA Targets Task Force, has helped focus activity across the UK livestock sectors to achieve a 50% reduction in antibiotic use since 2014. This has been realised principally through voluntary multi-sector collaboration, cross sector initiatives, codes of practice, industry body support and farm assurance schemes. This article provides an overview of RUMA's work to date providing insight into the methods used to create the targets, why they are so important, the impact they are having and how ongoing support and robust data are vital components in achieving the latest set of targets.

BMJ Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (7) ◽  
pp. e029611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mandy Cheetham ◽  
Suzanne Moffatt ◽  
Michelle Addison ◽  
Alice Wiseman

ObjectivesTo understand the impact of the roll-out of Universal Credit (UC) from the perspectives of claimants and staff supporting them in North East England.DesignQualitative study comprising interviews and focus groups.SettingGateshead and Newcastle, two localities in North East England characterised by high levels of socioeconomic deprivation, where the roll-out of UC started in 2017 as a new way to deliver welfare benefits for the UK working age population.Participants33 UC claimants with complex needs, disabilities and health conditions and 37 staff from local government, housing, voluntary and community sector organisations.ResultsParticipants’ accounts of the UC claims process and the consequences of managing on UC are reported; UC negatively impacts on material wellbeing, physical and mental health, social and family lives. UC claimants described the digital claims process as complicated, disorientating, impersonal, hostile and demeaning. Claimants reported being pushed into debt, rent arrears, housing insecurity, fuel and food poverty through UC. System failures, indifference and delays in receipt of UC entitlements exacerbated the difficulties of managing on a low income. The threat of punitive sanctions for failing to meet the enhanced conditionality requirements under UC added to claimant’s vulnerabilities and distress. Staff reported concerns for claimants and additional pressures on health services, local government and voluntary and community sector organisations as a result of UC.ConclusionsThe findings add considerable detail to emerging evidence of the deleterious effects of UC on vulnerable claimants’ health and wellbeing. Our evidence suggests that UC is undermining vulnerable claimants’ mental health, increasing the risk of poverty, hardship, destitution and suicidality. Major, evidence-informed revisions are required to improve the design and implementation of UC to prevent further adverse effects before large numbers of people move on to UC, as planned by the UK government.


2010 ◽  
Vol 213 ◽  
pp. F66-F70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Barrell ◽  
Simon Kirby

The UK is restructuring the fiscal policy framework once again, with an intention to move toward independent assessment and forecasting in the budget process. At the same time a large-scale, if delayed, fiscal consolidation is planned at a time when there is significant spare capacity in the economy. Economic growth is also projected to be below trend, at least this year and perhaps next. It is unusual to see a fiscal tightening when the output gap appears to be widening. These policy settings should be seen in the context of the most radical change in the nature of the relationship between the government and the economy for at least thirty years. This note assesses the impact of the new programme on the economy as well as setting out a projection for the medium-term public finances.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Hopkins

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight the local, national and global actions from the UK to reduce the impact of antimicrobial resistance (AMR) on human health. Design/methodology/approach – Synthesis of UK government policy, surveillance and research on AMR. Findings – Activities that are taking place by the UK government, public health and professional organisations are highlighted. Originality/value – This paper describes the development and areas for action of the UK AMR strategy. It highlights the many interventions that are being delivered to reduce antibiotic use and antimicrobial resistant infections.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasmina Panovska-Griffiths ◽  
Robyn Stuart ◽  
Cliff Kerr ◽  
Katherine Rosenfeld ◽  
Dina Mistry ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Following the resurgence of the COVID-19 epidemic in the UK in late 2020 and the emergence of the new variant of the SARS-CoV-2 virus, B.1.1.7, a third national lockdown was imposed from January 5, 2021. Following the decline of COVID-19 cases over the remainder of January 2021, it is important to assess the conditions under which reopening schools from early March is likely to lead to resurgence of the epidemic. This study models the impact of a partial national lockdown with social distancing measures enacted in communities and workplaces under different strategies of reopening schools from March 8, 2021 and compares it to the impact of continual full national lockdown remaining until April 19, 2021. Methods We used our previously published model, Covasim, to model the emergence of B.1.1.7 over September 1, 2020 to January 31, 2021. We extended the model to incorporate the impacts of the roll-out of a two-dose vaccine against COVID-19, assuming 200,000 daily doses of the vaccine in people 75 years or older with vaccination that offers 95% reduction in disease acquisition and 10% reduction of transmission blocking. We used the model, calibrated until January 25, 2021, to simulate the impact of a full national lockdown (FNL) with schools closed until April 19, 2021 versus four different partial national lockdown (PNL) scenarios with different elements of schooling open: 1) staggered PNL with primary schools and exam-entry years (years 11 and 13) returning on March 8, 2021 and the rest of the schools years on March 15, 2020; 2) full-return PNL with both primary and secondary schools returning on March 8, 2021; 3) primary-only PNL with primary schools and exam critical years (Y11 and Y13) going back only on March 8, 2021 with the rest of the secondary schools back on April 19, 2021 and 4) part-Rota PNL with both primary and secondary schools returning on March 8, 2021 with primary schools remaining open continuously but secondary schools on a two-weekly rota-system with years alternating between a fortnight of face-to-face and remote learning until April 19, 2021. Across all scenarios, we projected the number of new daily cases, cumulative deaths and effective reproduction number R until April 30, 2020. Results Our calibration across different scenarios is consistent with the new variant B.1.1.7 being around 60% more transmissible. Strict social distancing measures, i.e. national lockdowns, are required to contain the spread of the virus and control the hospitalisations and deaths during January and February 2021. The national lockdown will reduce the number of cases by early March levels similar to those seen in October with R also falling and remaining below 1 during the lockdown. Infections start to increase when schools open but if other parts of society remain closed this resurgence is not sufficient to bring R above 1. Reopening primary schools and exam critical years only or having primary schools open continuously with secondary schools on rotas will lead to lower increases in cases and R than if all schools open. Under the current vaccination assumptions and across the set of scenarios considered, R would increase above 1 if society reopens simultaneously, simulated here from April 19, 2021.Findings Our findings suggest that stringent measures are necessary to mitigate the increase in cases and bring R below 1 over January and February 2021. It is plausible that a PNL with schools partially open from March 8, 2021 and the rest of the society remaining closed until April 19, 2021 may keep R below 1, with some increase evident in infections compared to continual FNL until April 19, 2021. Reopening society in mid-April, with the vaccination strategy we model, could push R above 1 and induce a surge in infections, but the effect of vaccination may be able to control this in future depending on the transmission blocking properties of the vaccines.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Abadi ◽  
Irene Arnaldo ◽  
Agneta Fischer

The current COVID-19 pandemic elicits a vast amount of collective anxiety, which may also have broader societal and political implications. In the current study, we investigate the individual and social impact of this anxiety. We conducted an online survey in four different countries (Germany, the Netherlands, Spain and the UK; N=2031), examining whether anxiety about the Coronavirus leads to more approval of and compliance with hygiene measures deployed in those countries, and what role political beliefs play at this. We found significant differences between the four countries, with Spain marking highest anxiety as well as approval of and compliance with hygiene measures. Furthermore, three linear regressions showed that one’s anxiety is not only predicted by proximity to sources of infection (age, country, oneself or friends being infected), but also by political views (populist attitudes, anger at the government). Importantly, people who are anxious are also angry, at transgressors of hygiene rules or at their government. Thus, anger does not reduce one’s fear, but fear leads to more anger, especially in countries with the highest infection rates. Anxiety also leads to more approval of and compliance with hygiene measures, but again anger and political beliefs play a role in this relation. Whereas behavioral compliance is more predicted by fear and anger at others who transgress the rules, approval of the measures is better predicted by anxiety about the impact of Coronavirus and anger at the government.


Author(s):  
Abdussalam Shibani ◽  

2020 is a special year, this year the world’s economy has become extremely unstable because of the arrival of COVID-19. Idiosyncratic shocks have hit the global economy. The stock market has suspended, companies have closed, unemployment has soared, every industry has faced the biggest crisis since the Second World War. The British construction industry is certainly no exception. This time it will be the victim of this epidemic and the financial crisis. Compared with the European and American countries, the impact of the epidemic in Asia (Malaysia and China) is relatively light. The development of the epidemic situation in these countries has been controlled relatively effectively and strictly controlled. They are inextricably linked. However, the impact of construction projects in any area under the epidemic, the countermeasures adopted by the government, the epidemic prevention measures adopted by the company and the risk prevention strategy are very different. Therefore, under different circumstances, whether it is from the construction industry managers themselves or government policymakers, it is essential to apply correct and valid management measures to face the projects under construction under the epidemic actively. Simultaneously, collect statistics from questionnaire surveys of three countries in the region, then get an experimental result. Besides, different countries have different policies and forms of epidemic development. So, this research will summarize the corresponding policies and coping strategies of the project. It based on statistics of Malaysia and Chinese construction Projects, surveys for five projects to make comparisons than do statistics to the survey result.


Significance The UK government’s landslide election victory in 2019 has given Prime Minister Boris Johnson room to pursue an agenda for governance that targets institutions such as the Supreme Court and the Electoral Commission. The government has also ignored the recommendations of ethics bodies and appointed to key positions individuals with close personal ties to the ruling Conservative Party. Impacts The government’s agenda risks attracting increasingly questionable sources of offshore political money and support. The institutional agenda to remove constitutional constraints and reform the civil service will likely resume after COVID-19. The successful roll-out of the COVID-19 vaccination would likely boost public confidence in the UK government.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Blaine Stothard

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the history of relevant legislation before and after the 1971 Misuse of Drugs Act (MDA). Design/methodology/approach A chronological narrative of laws and reports with concluding discussion. Findings That UK legislators have not made use of the evidence base available to them and have favoured enforcement rather than treatment approaches. That current UK practice has exacerbated not contain the use of and harms caused by illegal drugs. Research limitations/implications The paper does not cover all relevant documents, especially those from non-governmental sources. Practical implications The practical implications centre on the failure of consecutive governments to reflect on and review the impact of current legislation, especially on people who use drugs. Social implications That the situations of people who use drugs are currently ignored by the government and those proven responses which save lives and reduce harm are rejected. Originality/value The paper attempts to show the historical contexts of control and dangerousness of which the MDA is one instrument.


Author(s):  
Thomas Caygill ◽  
Anne-Marie Griffiths

This chapter examines how the UK Parliament has used the e-petitions system to address some of the common criticisms about the relationship between the institution of government and the public. In May 2014, the House of Commons agreed to establish a ‘collaborative’ e-petitions system which would enable the public to petition the House of Commons and to call for action from the government. A Petitions Committee was created on 20 July 2015, and the new e-petitions site was launched the following day. The chapter first provides an overview of the changing nature of participation with Parliament, especially voting in elections, before discussing contemporary developments in petitioning Parliament. In particular, it considers public (paper) petitions and compares it to the e-petitions system. It also analyses the impact of e-petitions on Parliament and public participation and concludes with an assessment of challenges facing the e-petitions system.


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