Los Muchachos del Moncada: Civic Mobilization and Democracy’s Last Stand, 1953–1954

Author(s):  
Lillian Guerra

This chapter examines a surge in civic consciousness after Batista betrayed hopes by resorting to fraud and intimidation to win the election in 1954. Disappointment in the outcome enervated citizens' belief in both electoralism and constitutional democracy as paths to freedom. By the beginning of 1955, civic pressures appeared to be succeeding. Protests on the street, in the media, and in private garnered both an important cessation of censorship as well as the release of all political prisoners, including “los muchachos del Moncada” (the kids of Moncada) as Fidel and his followers became known. In fact, the release of political prisoners in the early spring of 1955 represented a new beginning in the public's unification behind a common discourse of unarmed struggle, despite the disunity of partisan opponents even within their own parties.

2017 ◽  
Vol 80 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariam F Alkazemi ◽  
Shahira Fahmy ◽  
Wayne Wanta

U.S. President Barack Obama's much-anticipated address in Egypt in 2009 promised a new beginning between the U.S. government and the Arab world but only a few years later there were many criticisms that the U.S. President did not live up to his promises, driving Arab attitudes toward the United States to their lowest point in years. Five years later, we analyzed Arabic-language twitter messages involving President Obama to examine cognitive and affective attributes. Results show that tweets by members of the media differed greatly from tweets by members of the public. The public tweets held more negative attitudes towards the U.S. President than tweets by news organizations. Members of the public also were more likely to link the President to a wider range of countries, suggesting a greater diversity of attributes, while primarily fixating on the Palestinian issue.


Author(s):  
M. V. Kapkan ◽  
◽  
L. S. Likhacheva ◽  

The paper analyzes the Soviet experience of forming a cultural model of civic consciousness in mind and behavior of young people through the media in the case of Pionerskaya Pravda newspaper in 1925–1929. Pionerskaya Pravda is treated as a subject of constructing a Soviet model of civic consciousness and as a specialized ideology­oriented communication channel with children’s audience. The paper examines the texts of the questions from the newspaper readers basing on the typology proposed by the paper authors and reveals the primary approved manifestation forms of civic consciousness among children. It concludes that civic consciousness in the newspaper materials is mainly interpreted as a behavioral characteristic of personality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-84
Author(s):  
Dovydas Rogulis

Abstract Abstract This thesis seeks to find out how NATO military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have affected relations with Russia. In order to achieve the aim and hypothesis of the study, the critical geopolitical approach is chosen as a theoretical framework. A schematic critical geopolitics conceptualization of Gearóid Ó. Tuathail is used as the method of research. This thesis mostly pays attention to three essential parts of the critical geopolitics: “formal geopolitics” (analyses of think tanks, specialists, etc.), “practical geopolitics” (the decisions of policy makers, official statements, documents, strategies and speeches) and “popular geopolitics” (the discourse of the media and surveys). The combination of these three elements allows determining the certain NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses towards crises in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan. With regard to evidences of crises, NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses are assessed from very positive, positive, neutral, to negative and very negative. It provides an opportunity to see how both sides have acknowledged these crises and how in long terms NATO’s military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have influenced relations with Russia in international order. Moreover, descriptive method, discourse analysis and a comparative approach are used to scrutinize Russian and NATO’s geopolitical discourses towards crises. The analyses of NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses show that the hypothesis different NATO and Russian geopolitical discourses towards crises in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have affected reciprocal relations is correct. The crisis of Kosovo in 2008 marks the end of the Russian flexible policy towards NATO and marks a new beginning of a permanently hostile geopolitical discourse against NATO in Europe. NATO military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have negatively affected relations with Russia mostly in Europe. Mutual cooperation and diplomatic disputes towards crises in Libya and Afghanistan are minor in comparison with the NATO-Russian relations in the European continent. Consequently, Russia concentrates most of its attention to the geopolitical tradition towards Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 597-616 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bojan Bugarič

Abstract The article offers an analysis of the particular type of populism that has evolved in Eastern and Central Europe, most notably in Hungary and Poland. The new populism in ECE differs from other populisms because it combines the elements of populism, ethnonationalism, and authoritarianism. Adhering to a similar script, which consists of sustained attacks on rule of law institutions, civil rights and freedoms, the media, and electoral rules, both populist governments in a relatively short period of time dismantled almost all the key cornerstones of democracy in Hungary and Poland. The current surge of populism in ECE demonstrates that constitutional democracy is in great danger when its core principles no longer enjoy wide democratic support. Paradoxically, constitutional democracy can play its “counter-majoritarian” role only when a majority of the people believe that it is the only game in town. Ultimately, democratic political parties and social movements with credible political ideas and programs offer the best hope for the survival of constitutional democracy. The role of law and constitutional checks and balances is less of an essential bulwark against democratic backsliding than is traditionally presumed in the legal literature.


Author(s):  
Л. П. Шамро ◽  
Т. М. Шамро

Проведені порівняльні дослідження анатомо-фізіологічних показників бджіл у бджолиних сімей (концентрація білка в гемолімфі, ступені розвитку глоткових залоз і жирового тіла), які зимували на меді та цукровому кормі, впродовж осінньо-зимово-ранньовесняного періоду їх утримання. Виявлено, що під час поповнення бджолиним сім’ям кормових запасів на зиму цукровим кормом концентрація білка в гемолімфі бджіл знижується до 48,15 проти 72,05 г/л у сімей на меді (Р<0,01). Надалі – в період зимівлі й до заміни зимувалих бджіл на літніх – вона постійно є дещо нижчою порівняно з сім’ями, які споживали взимку натуральний мед. Ступені розвитку глоткових залоз і жирового тіла впродовж періоду дослідження стабільно недостовірно нижчі у бджіл сімей, які зимували на цукровому кормі. A comparative study of anatomical and physiological characteristics of bees in bee colonies (the concentration of protein in the hemolymph, the degree of pharyngeal glands and fat body) that wintered in the honey and sugar feed, during the autumn-winter-early spring period of their detention was done. It was found that during the replenishment of forage supplies in winter with feed sugar concentration of protein in the hemolymph of bees falls to 48.15 against 72.05 g/l in the media families (P<0,01). Later - during the winter stay and to replacing wintered bees into summer - it is always slightly lower than in families who eat honey in winter. The degree of development of pharyngeal glands and fat body during the study period is consistently (uncertainly) lower in bee families that wintered on sugar feed.


HortScience ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 458b-458
Author(s):  
Julia Whitworth

Rye, wheat, and crimson clover were planted in separate pots outdoors in the fall of 1992 and 1993 Control pots had media without plants in them. There were 4 replications in 1992 and 9 in 1993. In early spring. the rye, wheat, and crimson clover were killed, using tillage in 1992 and glyphosate in 1993. In 1992. the residues were tilled into the media. In 1993, the residues were left on the surface. `Cardinal' strawberries, yellow nutsedge nutlets, crabgrass seeds, or bermudagrass rhizomes were planted into pots with the various residues, and also into the control pots. In July of 1992 and August-September of 1993, the weeds and strawberry plants were removed from the pots. Various growth measurements were taken on the plants. None of the tilled residues affected the growth of nutsedge or crabgrass, but tilled rye and wheat residues increased the growth of strawberry plants and decreased the growth of bermudagrass. None of the residues left on the surface significantly affected the growth of crabgrass. Clover residues suppressed nutsedge growth Both strawberry and bermudagrass growth was greatly reduced by all surface residues


1981 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey C. Mansfield

THE AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION JUST HELD APPEARS to have been a momentous event. It was the greatest repudiation of an incumbent president and party in America since that of Hoover and the Republicans in 1931. Predicted by no one — by neither political scientist, pollster nor politician — this was as much a surprise to joyful Republicans as to luckless Democrats. The voters had not discussed the matter much, except in deprecatory terms borrowed from the media, and on the morning after they too looked around among themselves with wonder and satisfaction.It could hardly be believed, as Carter's pollster asserted, that everyone turned to Reagan on the last day when the hostages held in Iran failed to appear. Something so considerable must have been meditated, or at least prepared; and this misfortune for Carter does not explain why the Democratic Senators, who were not involved with Iran, were voted out. Perhaps the large number of ‘undecideds’ were Reagan voters, too embarrassed to confess their decision to callers they suspected were unsympathetic. Or perhaps — a wishful fantasy of mine — the voters deliberately did not disclose their intention to the pollsters since they knew that sovereignty stays alive only with an occasional surprise. The voters may have sensed that they can be exploited if they can be predicted.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-352
Author(s):  
Michael S. Pollanen

The fatal maltreatment of people that are detained against their will, such as political prisoners and suspected terrorists, can occur in unstable countries. The death of such detainees is often controversial and debated in the media, legal tribunals, and communities. Therefore, there is a need for nonpartisan information about the cause of death of prisoners due to the implications that the data may have about a conclusion that human rights were abused. Autopsies are the only scientific way to prove the cause of death of detainees and to ascertain the truth behind how injuries may have occurred. On this basis, all forensic pathologists ought to be able to interpret the basic injury patterns commonly encountered in torture. The injuries are similar to those found in child abuse, but also include trauma from suspension and “homicide by heart attack” during interrogation. This paper will review the postmortem findings in cases of torture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-138
Author(s):  
Antonina V. Selezneva ◽  
Alexandra F. Yakovleva ◽  
Eduard S. Ibragimov

The article is devoted to the formation features of the civic consciousness among the youth in mass culture and media communications. Civil self-consciousness is represented through a system of personal values, a person's ideas about himself as a citizen, as well as about the state and society where he belongs and in relation to which he is self-determined. The purpose of the article is to present how the youth consumes the mass culture products and socio-political media content in the context of the formation process of their civic consciousness. The design of an empirical study is based on the principles of a political and psychological approach. The empirical basis of the research is the materials of the All-Russian survey of the youth aged 18 to 30 years, conducted in 2020 using the formalized interview procedure (n = 1600) and the in-depth interview method (n = 200), as well as the materials of the expert survey (n = 20). The materials reveal attitudes of the youth to printed publications, television content, Internet resources, film products, fiction, musical compositions, perception characteristics of the presented socio-political information. The character of media consumption among the youth is determined by the values of freedom and autonomy, justice, truth and truthfulness, and trust in information sources that are significant for them. The lack of critical thinking skills necessary for processing and analyzing a huge array of information determines their primitive perception of the political, the inability to identify political plots and political problems presented in the works of mass culture, a high degree of reactivity to the appearance of various media products. The civic consciousness formation of the youth becomes “broken” and fragmented under the influence of the media space as a factor of political socialization.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document