scholarly journals Sjálfsritskoðun íslenskra blaðamanna

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgir Guðmundsson

The discussion on media self-censorship has flourished in Iceland after the attacks on the Charlie Hebdo editorial offices in January 2015 and after some dramatic changes in the top management and owner-groups of some of the media firms. But what is this experience that journalists describe as self censorship? This paper attempts to answer two main research questions. On the one hand the question how journalists understand the concept of selfcensorship. On the other hand the question: what is the experience of Icelandic journalist of self-censorship? The approach is the one of a qualitative research and is based on interviews with six experienced journalists. The main findings suggest important influence of the social discourse on news and news values of journalists and their tendency for self-censorship. This discourse is partly directed by politicians and influential bloggers and also by a massive discussion by active social media users. Furthermore the findings suggest, that ownership and the location of the particular medium where a journalist works in the lineup of different commercial-political blocks in the media market, is important for self-censorship. Finally it seems that journalists understand the concept selfcensorship in a different manner and that it is important to define the term carefully if it is to be used as an analytical tool.

1970 ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
May Abu Jaber

Violence against women (VAW) continues to exist as a pervasive, structural,systematic, and institutionalized violation of women’s basic human rights (UNDivision of Advancement for Women, 2006). It cuts across the boundaries of age, race, class, education, and religion which affect women of all ages and all backgrounds in every corner of the world. Such violence is used to control and subjugate women by instilling a sense of insecurity that keeps them “bound to the home, economically exploited and socially suppressed” (Mathu, 2008, p. 65). It is estimated that one out of every five women worldwide will be abused during her lifetime with rates reaching up to 70 percent in some countries (WHO, 2005). Whether this abuse is perpetrated by the state and its agents, by family members, or even by strangers, VAW is closely related to the regulation of sexuality in a gender specific (patriarchal) manner. This regulation is, on the one hand, maintained through the implementation of strict cultural, communal, and religious norms, and on the other hand, through particular legal measures that sustain these norms. Therefore, religious institutions, the media, the family/tribe, cultural networks, and the legal system continually disciplinewomen’s sexuality and punish those women (and in some instances men) who have transgressed or allegedly contravened the social boundaries of ‘appropriateness’ as delineated by each society. Such women/men may include lesbians/gays, women who appear ‘too masculine’ or men who appear ‘too feminine,’ women who try to exercise their rights freely or men who do not assert their rights as ‘real men’ should, women/men who have been sexually assaulted or raped, and women/men who challenge male/older male authority.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 3858
Author(s):  
Francesca Abastante ◽  
Isabella M. Lami ◽  
Marika Gaballo

This paper is built on the following research questions: (i) What are the direct/indirect relationships between Sustainable Development Goal 11 (SDG11) and sustainability protocols? (ii) Could the sustainability protocols constitute a solution towards the achievement of SDG11? We underline that, on the one hand, the SDGs are guidelines to support the development of sustainable policies and thus address all elements that may affect them, and on the other hand, sustainability protocols are assessment tools to promote sustainability-conscious design while remaining focused on the built environment. In the Italian regulatory context, the paper highlights how this difference in terms of focus and scale means that they only overlap and mutually reinforce each other with regard to certain aspects, more related to energy and air pollution issues and less to the social aspects of sustainability. Even if there is not always a direct relationship between the evaluation criteria of the protocols and the indicators of SDG11, it is possible to conclude that the sustainability protocols can facilitate the achievement of the SDG11 targets, acting as a key for the implementation of sustainable cities and helping in structuring the process leading to sustainability in a broader framework.


2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-566
Author(s):  
Sandra Issel-Dombert

AbstractFrom a theoretical and empirical linguistic point of view, this paper emphasizes the importance of the relationship between populism and the media. The aim of this article is to explore the language use of the Spanish right wing populism party Vox on the basis of its multimodal postings on the social network Instagram. For the analysis of their Instagram account, a suitable multimodal discourse analysis (MDA) provides a variety of methods and allows a theoretical integration into constructivism. A hashtag-analysis reveals that Vox’s ideology consists of a nativist and ethnocentric nationalism on the one hand and conservatism on the other. With a topos analysis, the linguistic realisations of these core elements are illustrated with two case studies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shedyakov ◽  

Optimizing transformations during the transition period requires the use of the entire multilateral system of mechanisms to protect national interests. The state occupies an essential place, in particular, the establishment of forms of public-private partnership in coordinating diverse initiatives and creative searches. At the same time, on the one hand, the independence and security of development force them to predominantly rely on their own forces. On the other hand, the refusal to unify the social structure (in particular, statehood) makes it easier to increase efficiency, flexibility and adaptability while maintaining loyalty to national foundations and traditions. The two most noticeable trends in the transformation of the state structure are the strengthening of totalitarian-corporate characteristics or features of democracy. Accordingly, the depersonalization of responsibility – or its embodiment in specific leaders is realizing. At the same time, as you know, selection and promotion in the corporate sector has nothing to do with democracy. And the processes of pathologizing political and economic life may imply a departure from general, direct, secret and equal elections to senior government positions, and include broad manipulative capabilities of the media sphere.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paola Paoloni ◽  
Giuseppe Modaffari

The aim of the paper is to provide an overview of the current literature of this business phenomenon with regard to gender studies and to point out what is substantially happening and what has happened in the Italian economic context. The main research questions were RQ1: How is the phenomenon of female Startups treated from a scientific point of view? RQ2: Which is the Italian situation of this phenomenon? The methodology used is both qualitative and explorative. A bidirectional analysis has been carried out for this purpose. In order to expand the first research question (RQ1), an analysis was carried out of the articles in the EBSCO database on the topic of female startups. In order to expand the second question (RQ2), an analysis was carried out on the data concerning the phenomenon of female startups, using the register of companies held at the Chambers of Commerce which were territorially competent. Our research, carried out within the Italian economic context, demonstrates how the phenomenon of Woman Startups (WSU), even if it is widely expanding, is inherent in all the typical elements of female entrepreneurship, as reported in the literature by gender scholars. The main factors that emerge for the WSU are the small size and the undercapitalization in the startup phase. This work contributes to the expansion of studies on the topic of startups in the context of gender and can be useful to the social context, new entrepreneurs, and practitioners of the sector.


Organon ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (48) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carme Regina Schons

The present work intends to reflect, starting from the theories of text and discourse, on silencing forms produced in the/by the media regarding children´s exploitation. To elucidate what was proposed, we took into account the concept of language as structure and event, developed by Pêcheux (1983), and the reflections of Orlandi (1996) on the concept of silencing - local silencing and constituent silence. Our question was established from our reading of the corpus: what is delivered by the abuse of the word and what is recovered in the restriction of language? In our analysis, we noticed the work of interdiscursive relationships as much as the one of the relationships of historicity involving specific conditions, since it is in the process of enunciation that the subject-victim enters the scene, is introduced in the social setting and, on being spoken about, assumes an institutionally and socially marked place of fragility and of incapacity of defense.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-108
Author(s):  
Aleksandr S. Sherstobitov ◽  
Elizaveta V. Begar ◽  
Nikolay M. Gorohov ◽  
Valeria D. Dmitrieva ◽  
Anastasia N. Dybkina ◽  
...  

The paper is devoted to presentation of the one aspect of the research project dedicated to study of political administrative elite in contemporary Russia. It is based on the network analysis methodology that is not widely used by Russian scholars of elites. The authors establish their approach on the mapping of the social networks within elite groups. Although the explanatory power of the network approach is still comparatively weak it is applied as exploratory method for structuring of empirical data, find the trends and set the research questions and hypotheses. The study of networks based on the birthplace is presented in the paper. The key research question is the following: are there cohesive subgroups based on birthplace compatriotship in federal executive branch of power? Federal ministers, deputy ministers and heads of departments are included into sample. The authors find that regional compatriotship is not the important factor of the recruitment of the federal political administrative elite. However, in some cases the cohesive groups based on compatriotship ties appear within one ministry. For example, when the authors reduce the sample to those who were born after 1970, several cohesive subgroups of regional compatriots are found.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 45-59
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Całek

Nolite te bastardes carborundorum. The handmaid in the media discourse about women’s rightsThe handmaid is the protagonist of a transmedia story begun with Margaret Atwood’s dystopian novel about Gilead, a regime in which women are deprived of their rights. The handmaids are a unique group — they are fertile, a rarity in a country plagued by infertility. The women, treated as objects, are allocated as surrogates to childless couples from the most privileged class. The image of the handmaid became popular thanks to a new generation television series produced for the Hulu platform, and subsequently begun to be used in the fight for women’s rights. In the first part of the article the author analyses the handmaids and their place in the dystopian narrative and in the second — the way in which they are used in the social discourse about women’s rights. In this the author focuses on performative campaigns, corporate social responsibility and links between the characters and the #metoo campaign.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 197-228
Author(s):  
Aytul Kasapoglu ◽  
Alev Akbal

 The main research  problem of this study is that due to the uncertainties experienced, rationality has been replaced by feelings like morale panic and not all of the precautions will be applied by 55%, although it is known to be 90%. The main purpose of this article, Turkey and all experienced Covidien-19 (Corono virus)from the effects of a new virus in the world, is to examine the sociological basis of the news (reports) in the Turkish media The concepts of "uncertainties", "turning point" and "liminality" in social relations and values, classified by Harrison White (1992), constitute the theoretical basis of this relational sociological  study. The research questions, in which the article was sought in the critical analysis of the media, were formed on the basis of this theoretical framework. Uncertainties in social relations and values have been tried to be revealed through political discourse analysis of pictures and messages (Van Dick, 2016). Research findings revealed that the news in the media related to COVID-19virus caused attitudes and behaviors similar to those observed in previous bird flue (2005) and pig flue (2010) outbreaks in Turkey. In other words, while ontological insecurities lead to irrational reactions (morale panic) with the contribution of the media,  serious measures , such as curfews of people over 65, are not taken too seriously despite all warnings of the Minister of Health and Science Committee. On the other hand, it can be said that the authoritarian tendencies towards broader measures such as the curfew proclamation in the whole country have increased.


Skhid ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Binyam Mekonnen ADERA

Ethiopia since 1991 G.C has been adopting democracy and federalism as constitutional frameworks of the state. The core objective to maintain the two political cultures is the presence of multiple cultural identities within the state and the actual need for an intersubjective discussion on the public sphere. And one of the major areas of public sphere is the social media. As per the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia citizens of Ethiopia have the democratic rights of Thoughts, Opinion and Expression (Art. 29), so in social media it is natural to expect that individuals talk on the different affairs of the state ‘freely’. Basically the social media is serving as an instrument in maintaining discursive talk among individuals. However, it has been also producing considerable social turmoil across the world. The same is what is encountering in Ethiopia today; on the one hand, social media as a communication platform allows people to communicate effectively with sharing alternative views, attitudes and forming democratic consensus on the social anomalies and responses, and on the other hand, the media is the sphere of communicative maladjustment where misunderstanding, extremism and miscommunication is producing. In the present Ethiopian context the basic source of communication and miscommunication in the social media is the ‘pluriversal identities’ of the cultural horizon. Taking this as a crucial object, this article will discuss the connection between democracy, federalism and social media in the current Ethiopia. On the top of this, the study aims at exploring the following issues: the social media sphere in Ethiopia, the modern and postmodern challenges of social media in Ethiopia and alternatives for the social media reconstruction.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document