‘Together we stand’: coalition-building in the Italian and Spanish feminist movements in times of crisis

Author(s):  
Daniela Chironi ◽  
Martín Portos

We analyse coalition-building in feminist mobilisations in times of crisis in two similar cases: Spain and Italy. Based on social movement literature, we develop two key arguments. First, in austerity-ridden scenarios, connecting socio-economic grievances and feminist demands is key for the feminist mass mobilisations to follow. Second, anti-austerity struggles must resonate across different dimensions of coalition-building, both within the feminist movements and across feminists and other actors, such as LGBTQ collectives and anti-austerity challengers. The data used throughout the article come from semi-structured interviews with activists in Italian and Spanish feminist grass-roots organisations. Our results suggest that times of neoliberal crisis may present opportunities not only to advance the feminist agenda, but also to foster alliances within the feminist milieus and between feminists and other relevant collective actors. These alliances might well extend beyond the period of greatest hardship.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>This article explores coalition-building in feminist movements in times of neoliberal crisis in Spain and Italy.</li><br /><li>The ability to bridge socio-economic grievances and feminist demands is key for successful feminist mobilisation.</li><br /><li>Grievances shape coalition-building both within feminist milieus and between feminist and other struggles.</li></ul>

Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146879682110018
Author(s):  
Sheymaa Ali Nurein ◽  
Humera Iqbal

Young Black Muslim Women (BMW) have complex, intersectional identities and exist at the margins of various identity groupings. Given this, members of the community can face societal relegation across, not only race and gender lines, but across religious ones, too. This paper explores the lived experiences of intragroup discrimination, identity and belonging in 11 young Black Muslim Women in the United Kingdom. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants and thematically analysed through the lens of intersectionality. The use of an intersectional framework facilitated an understanding of the manner in which the sample was multiply marginalised. Two key themes emerged from the interviews: firstly, around experiences of intragroup and intersectional discrimination and, secondly, around the challenges of responding to and coping with the negative effects of such discrimination. Participants discussed the cross-cutting nature through which they faced discrimination: from within the Black community; from within the Muslim community; and as a result of their gender. The non-exclusivity of these three identities result in constant encounters of discrimination along different dimensions to their personal identity. They also developed diverse means of coping with this marginalisation including drawing from religious beliefs and mobile identifications, i.e. performing different aspects of their identities in different contexts. The present study contributes to existing knowledge in its focus on an under-researched group and emphasises the negative effects of intragroup discrimination. The paper importantly highlights the diversity within the Black community and considers the (in)visibility of Black Muslim Women within society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merli Reidolf

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to develop a framework for analysing the configuration of knowledge networks used by innovative rural small- and medium-sized enterprises, and the nature of the relationships between knowledge transferring actors. Design/methodology/approach – The research is based on semi-structured interviews with rural innovative entrepreneurs and regional key informants. Social network analysis (SNA) was used to identify configuration of relationships, and content analysis to understand the nature of the knowledge relationships. Findings – Higher innovation levels are related to proactive and strong relationships with extra-local actors, usually from the international level, mainly from the Baltic Sea region. The actors, who have a greater role in innovation, are special customers, scientific organisations and non-human actors (e.g. trade fairs). Greater variety in proactive relationships helps achieve higher-level innovations. Reactive and weaker relationships tend to be related to lower innovation levels. Originality/value – This study contributes to the development of rural innovation research practice through the development of a framework for analysing the configuration of knowledge networks and the nature (activity and strength) of relations between actors. Thus, two different dimensions not used together previously are combined and advanced. In addition, in this paper, the relations that go beyond a region’s borders are also included, compared to earlier studies, where SNA was commonly used only with reference to relations inside a territory. An example from Central and Eastern Europe supplied to the literature on rural innovation networks is of additional value.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ao Zhou

<p>Labour NGOs operating in mainland China have played the role of de facto representatives of rural migrant workers since their emergence in the 1990s. After their rapid development for almost two decades, the introduction of the Overseas NGOs Management Law in 2017 restricted all foreign sponsors of labour NGOs, which were their main funding source. This has greatly influenced their goals and strategic choices when representing migrant workers. However, due to increased political sensitivity, few studies have explored the current challenges they face since the law was implemented. This study identifies both the pre-2017 and post-2017 goals and strategies of labour NGOs operating in Beijing, Tianjin and Yunnan Province. It also analyses six factors affecting the NGOs’ goals and strategic choices after 2017. A case study research method is used to draw on 15 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with the founders, managers and staff working in 10 different labour NGOs in the three regions. The research results challenge the applicability of four main social movement theories learnt from the west – Resource Mobilisation (RM), Political Opportunity (PO), Transnational Advocacy Networks (TAN) and Stakeholder theory – to explain Chinese grassroots labour movements conducted by labour NGOs. The results also show that labour NGOs are experiencing a significant decline after the introduction of the Overseas NGOs Management Law, but have not withdrawn from the historical stage. Many NGOs are adjusting their goals and strategies to adapt to the changed political climate and survive. Finally, this study advocates the development of a new social movement theory which could accurately guide grassroots labour movements in the context of China.</p>


Author(s):  
Norsiah Abdul Hamid ◽  
Mohd Sobhi Ishak ◽  
Norhafezah Yusof ◽  
Halimah Badioze Zaman

The concept of Knowledge Society (KS) began due to recognition of the importance of knowledge and information in the development of a society. This chapter proposes a holistic view of knowledge society based on the development of composite indicators in nine different dimensions. The objective of the study is to propose a multi-dimensional approach comprising human capital, ICT, spirituality, economy, social, institutional and sustainability as determinants towards achieving a KS. These dimensions are discussed in-depth by the experts in semi-structured interviews and also validated by using Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) and Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA). The semi-structured interview data are presented in a verbatim manner so as to provide readers with in-depth feedback from the experts, while the EFA and CFA results of composite indicators are presented in graphics. Thus, this chapter contributes to the understanding of composite indicators of a knowledge society which can then be used by policy makers for future policy-making decision.


Modern Italy ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niccolò Bertuzzi

In spite of the great tradition in social movement studies, Italy completely lacks any contribution regarding animal advocacy from the point of view of political sociology. This is despite the fact that, as in the rest of Western societies, interest in the wellbeing, rights and status of non-human animals is growing. This can be seen both among the general population and in the very varied organised forms of welfare and activism. In this article, we will investigate this internal differentiation, starting from an initial stratification in welfare, protectionism and anti-speciesism, and focusing in particular on the following two aspects: ethical values; and political ‘careers’ and multi-membership affiliations. The investigation was accomplished by means of 20 semi-structured interviews and an online questionnaire answered by 704 volunteers and activists. The tripartition hypothesised was confirmed, although with a few exceptions: more progressive values emerged among anti-speciesists, and conservative positions among protectionists and welfarists, but the overall spectrum is characterised by utilitarian perspectives. Similarly, previous experience in the specific field of animal advocacy is typical of the protectionist area, while anti-speciesists also come from other opposition movements.


2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (11/12) ◽  
pp. 792-807 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly Creasap

Purpose A social movement scene is “a network of people who share a set of subcultural or countercultural beliefs, values, norms, and convictions as well as a network of physical spaces where members of that group are known to congregate” (Leach and Haunss 2009, p. 260, emphasis in the original). The purpose of this paper is to further develop theories of social movement scenes by examining the spatial dimensions of proximity, centrality, visibility, and accessibility, arguing that different scene configurations are shaped by gentrification processes. Design/methodology/approach This is an ethnographic study based on research conducted in Sweden over a five year period (2007-2012), including several summer research trips and a sustained fieldwork period of 14 months. Using snowball sampling, the author conducted semi-structured interviews with 38 activists involved in autonomous movement scenes. The author interviewed both men (n=26) and women (n=12) who ranged in age from 18 to 37, with most interviewees in their late 20s and early 30s. Findings Findings suggest that neighborhoods in the early stages of gentrification are most conducive to strong scenes. The author’s findings suggest that, while some of these conditions are locally specific, there were common structural conditions in each city, such as changes in the commercial landscape and housing tenure. Originality/value This paper contributes to the specificity of the concept of a social movement scene by presenting three spatial dimensions of scenes: centrality (relative to the Central Business District), concentration (clustering of scene places in one area of the city), and visibility (a visible presence communicated by signs and symbols). A second contribution of this paper is to offer a set of hypotheses about the urban conditions under which social movement scenes thrive (or fizzle).


Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 3541
Author(s):  
Sabrina Kozikis ◽  
Inga T. Winkler

Communities across the United States face a widespread water crisis including risks of contamination, rate increases, shut-offs for non-payment, and dilapidating infrastructure. Against this background, a right to water movement has emerged which has found its strength in coalition-building and collectivity. Activists demand change using the framing of “water is a human right”, socially constructing the right to water from below. Based on more than 25 semi-structured interviews with water advocates and activists, our article explores how movement participants used the human rights framework to advocate for clean and affordable water for all. We used political opportunity theory and conceptions of government “openness” and “closedness” to examine when and how advocates decided to use confrontational and cooperative approaches. We identified a push and pull of different strategies in three key spaces: in the courts, on the streets, and at the Capitols. Advocates used adversarial approaches including protests and civil disobedience, reliance on human rights mechanisms, and to a more limited extent litigation simultaneously with cooperative approaches such as engaging with legislators and the development of concrete proposals and plans for ensuring water affordability. This adaptiveness, persistence, and ability to identify opportunities likely explains the movement’s initial successes in addressing the water crisis.


Sociologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-104
Author(s):  
Ivana Spasic

The paper reexamines the semi-structured interview method on the basis of data collected in a study of medium-sized Serbian towns. The analysis of transcripts shows that the analytic quality of data varied depending on the interviewee?s position in the local institutional structure, so that in interviews with representatives of political and social institutions role playing (the performative) prevailed over providing information on social reality and attitudes (the informative). This finding is situated in the context of current debates within qualitative methodology which, while illuminating the complex intertwining of different dimensions of the interview (as source of data and interaction situation), fail to recognize fully the problem of performativity and provide solutions. In the final section some undesired epistemological and political implications are discussed of an uncritical application of the semi-structured interview if conceived in an overly antipositivistic fashion and disregarding the institutional and broader social framework within which the research takes place.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Myra Marx Ferree

Meanings and movements in the new millennium: Gendering democracy. Pp. 419-428 in Jacquelien van Stekelenburg, Conny Roggeband and Bert Klandermans (eds), The Future of Social Movement Research: Dynamics, Mechanisms, and Processes, University of Minnesota Press, 2013. How democracy works depends to a large degree on what democracy is framed as meaning, both in terms of the specific institutional arrangements that texts authorize and the disputed frames that are in play. The changing terrain of movements today may have less to do with the scale or locus of material power than with unresolved issues of democracy raised by movements of the past. Although “democracy” is defined as the power of people, the question still arises, “which people”? The institutionalization of procedural democracy often went hand-in-hand with the exclusion of certain kinds of issues and constituents from institutional access to politics in specific ways in different countries. Movements and parties are not just related to each other; both are sited in a broader field of political discourse. Feminist movements and bringing gender into evaluation of the democracy of democratic institutions illustrate this general claim, as the representation of both the people and the issues once defined as private have been transformed into legitimate matters of public political struggle.


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