scholarly journals Chaos in the Ivory Tower: Postcolonial Representations of the Nigerian Academic Elite in Esiaba Irobi’s Cemetery Road and Ojo Rasaki Bakare’s Once Upon a Tower

2020 ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Nurudeen Adeshina Lawal
Keyword(s):  
Public Universities ◽  
National Development ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Ivory Tower ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Academic Elite

This work explores Esiaba Irobi’s Cemetery Road (2009) and Ojo Rasaki Bakare’s Once Upon a Tower (2000) with a view to examining the manner in which Irobi and Bakare represent the Nigerian academic elite in the chaos that hobbles Nigerian public universities and the country in general. Through Louis Althusser’s idea of Ideological State Apparatuses, the work analyses how the two playwrights deploy character, setting and other dramatic elements to capture ways in which the Nigerian academic elite, especially those in Nigerian public universities, promote disorder in the polity. The two plays show that some members of the Nigerian academic elite are involved in using undemocratic methods for personal gains and to create anomie in universities and in Nigerian society at large. The work reveals that the academic elite, as represented in the two plays, are not different from the corrupt Nigerian political elite because both are preoccupied with violent and corrupt acts, thereby undermining peace, stability and development in the country. It contends that the two playwrights’ representations of the Nigerian academic elite are important not only because they challenge the assumed binary opposition between the Nigerian ruling elite and the Nigerian academic elite, but also because they illuminate the complexity of the recurring chaos in Nigerian universities and the country in general. Consequently, the playwrights invite the Nigerian academic elite to engage in critical self-interrogation, genuine scholarly and community-based activities that are geared towards real national development.

National Foresight in Korea: History of Futures Studies and Foresight in Korea

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 232-244
Author(s):  
Kyungmoo Heo ◽  
Yongseok Seo
Keyword(s):  
National Development ◽  
Futures Studies ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Public Interests ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of

Public interests in coming futures of Korea continue to be increasing. Fears on uncertainties and pending challenges as well as demands on a new but Korea-own development model trigger a quantitative increase of futures research and relevant organizations in both public and private. The objective of this paper is to review history of futures studies and national development plan and strategy linked with foresight along with its challenges and recommendations. This paper identifies drawbacks and limits of Korea foresight such as misapplication of foresight as a strategic planning tool for modernization and economic development and its heavy reliance on government-led mid- and long-term planning. As a recommendation, an implementation of participatory and community-based foresight is introduced as a foundation for futures studies in Korea. A newly established research institute, the National Assembly Futures Institute, has to be an institutional passage to deliver opinions of the public, a capacity-building platform to increase the citizen’s futures literacy, and a cooperative venue for facilitating a participation and dialogue between politicians, government officials, and researchers.

scholarly journals EVALUASI KEBERHASILAN PENGELOLAAN PROGRAM PENYEDIAAN AIR MINUM DAN SANITASI BERBASIS MASYARAKAT DI KABUPATEN ACEH BESAR

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 1019-1026
Author(s):  
Teuku Mochamad Nazar ◽  
Azmeri Azmeri ◽  
Eldina Fatimah
Keyword(s):  
Swot Analysis ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Universal Access ◽  
National Development ◽  
Development Program ◽  
Analysis Data ◽  
Clean Water ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Water And Sanitation ◽  
The Government

Abstract: Clean water as a primary need of human which is generally used for drinking, bathing, cooking and washing should be met in terms of quantity, quality, and affordability and sustainability. The government through the national development program of water and sanitation universal access which declared that by 2019, Indonesia will achieve the 100% target of proper clean water and sanitation for the whole Indonesian people. Water supply and Sanitation community-based Program (PAMSIMAS) is one of the prominent programs of the central government that adopt a community-based approach, where the main actors are the society as well as the person in charge to implement the project. PAMSIMAS II was launched in Aceh since January 2013 to April 2016 in which thre e districts joined PAMSIMAS are Aceh Besar, Pidie and Bireuen, with a total number of villages of the program as 46. The study conducted in the District of Aceh Besar with selected 15 (fifteen) villages as research object. This study aims to identify the level of success of PAMSIMAS II and identified community participation in managing water and sanitation infrastructure that has been built by the program. Those things were measured by the factors namely: 1. Adequacy, quality and continuity of water, also 2. Performance of BPSPAM as management body in village.  This study adopt quantitative analysis that supported by qualitative analysis. Data were collected by observation, questionnaires and interviews. At the end the SWOT analysis is performed for the formulation of a strategic planning in or order to make PAMSIMAS sustainable in achieving access of clean water. The result of this research is information about th position of The PAMSIMAS II after the calculation of EFAS and IFAS which conducted based on the questionair that deliver to the actors of PAMSIMAS II in district of Aceh Besar and also recomendation about priority strategy should be conducted for the development of PAMSIMAS II in the future. Abstrak: Air Bersih sebagai kebutuhan utama dalam kehidupan manusia yang umumnya digunakan untuk minum, mandi, memasak dan mencuci sudah seharusnya terpenuhi secara kuantitas, kualitas, terjangkau dan kontinu. Pemerintah melalui program pembangunan nasional akses universal air minum dan sanitasi menetapkan bahwa pada tahun 2019, Indonesia dapat mencapai 100 % target layanan air minum dan sanitasi yang layak. Program Penyediaan Air Minum dan Sanitasi Berbasis Masyarakat (PAMSIMAS) merupakan salah satu program andalan pemerintah pusat yang menggunakan pendekatan berbasis masyarakat, dimana masyarakat sebagai pelaku utama dan sekaligus penanggungjawab pelaksanaan kegiatan. Program PAMSIMAS II dilaksanakan di Provinsi Aceh mulai tahun 2013 sampai dengan April 2016 di 3 kabupaten yaitu Kabupaten Aceh Besar, Kabupaten Pidie dan Kabupaten Bireuen, dengan total desa yang bergabung adalah 46 Desa.  Penelitian ini dilaksanakan di 15 desa di Kabupaten Aceh Besar sebagai objek penelitian. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi keberhasilan Program PAMSIMAS II dan mengindentifikasi peran serta masyarakat dalam mengelola infrastruktur air bersih dan sanitasi yang telah dibangun.  Hal tersebut diukur melalui beberapa faktor, diantaranya: 1. kecukupan, kualitas dan keberlanjutan air dan, 2. Kinerja dari badan pengelola di masyarakat. Penelitian ini menggunakan analisa kuantitatif yang didukung dengan analisa kualitatif. Metode pengumpulan data dengan melakukan observasi, kuesioner dan wawancara. Penelitian ini melakukan Analisa SWOT yang bertujuan untuk perumusan rencana strategis agar Program PAMSIMAS dapat berkesinambungan dalam pemenuhan akan air bersih. Hasil dari penelitian ini berupa identifikasi posisi Program PAMSIMAS II setelah dilakukan perhitungan EFAS dan IFAS yang dilakukan berdasarkan Kuesioner yang telah disebar kepada para pelaksana program PAMSIMAS II, dan kemudian dilanjutkan dengan rekomendasi prioritas strategi yang akan dilakukan untuk pengembangan Program PAMSIMAS II ke depan.

scholarly journals The Use of Charity as a Means of Political Legitimation in Umayyad al-Andalus

2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-262
Author(s):  
Ana María Carballeira Debasa
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Political Legitimation

The principal aim of this study is to examine the use of charity as a factor of political legitimation by the ruling elite of al-Andalus in the Umayyad period. Accordingly, it explores the degree to which charity was an instrument in the hands of the authorities, and the manner in which this strategy was decisive in the process of consolidating power. In a broader sense, this analysis enables us to deepen our knowledge of the political elite in al-Andalus and to elucidate how charitable attitudes reflected a particular conception of power.

scholarly journals Study on the Administrative Divisions in China’s Border Areas from the Perspective of Nation-state Building --- Changes to the Administrative Divisions in Inner Mongolia in the 20th Century

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Sun Jing
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Inner Mongolia ◽  
National Development ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Qing Empire ◽  
Central Plains ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Border Areas ◽  
The Yuan Dynasty

From the end of the Yuan Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty, when Inner Mongolia was still a special administrative region of the Qing Empire, the Mongolian nomad's territory went through numerous significant changes. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the administrative divisions in Inner Mongolia underwent three major changes and after continuous integration they were incorporated into the administrative territory of the People's Republic of China in a manner that was compatible with the behavior of a modern nation-state. Such changes can neither be ascribed to the natural process of national development and it’s accompanying fissions nor to the sinocization of Inner Mongolian initiated by Han migrants. Instead, it is derived from the game of power played in the region by various forces, from the Manchu and Han peoples, to the Mongolians, Russians and Japanese, and the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party in the period of surging modern nationalism. This is evidenced by the changes of division in Hulunbuir in particular. This case is enough to demonstrate that the issues of China’s border and nations are not simply equivalent to the binary opposition between Central Plains and border areas, between Han and ethnic minorities, but a process teeming with complex and diverse points of contention, political wrestling matches and other interactions.

REGIME LOYALTY AND BĀZĀRĪ REPRESENTATION UNDER THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN: DILEMMAS OF THE SOCIETY OF ISLAMIC COALITION

2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arang Keshavarzian
Keyword(s):  
Social Class ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Symbiotic Relationship ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Current Regime ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
The Media

The prevailing perception within the academy, policy circles, and the media inside and outside Iran has been that the members of bazaars are a unified social class engaged in a symbiotic relationship with the political elite of the Islamic republic and the conservative faction in particular. This approach is largely built on the perspective that there is a historic predilection for bāzārīs and clerics to cooperate (“mosque–bazaar alliance”), and thus ideological compatibility and familial ties between the clergy and bāzārīs have continued and developed into an alliance under the current regime headed by segments of the clergy. For instance, one of the leading experts on 20th-century Iran, Nikki Keddie, comments that, despite Mohammad Khatami's reformist agenda, “the ruling elite, who represent an alliance between the commercial bazaar bourgeoisie and conservative clerics, resist giving up their economic privileges as they do their political ones.”

scholarly journals Social status of legal opposition in modern Russia (based on the material of publications of the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia

2020 ◽  
pp. 91-103
Author(s):  
Maksim Sergeevich Kozyrev
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Theoretical Substantiation ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Electoral Support

The goal of this work is to determine the social status of legal opposition in Russia based on the classical analysis. The object of this research is publications of the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR). The theory developed by Karl Mannheim serves as methodological framework for this work. It is determines that the representatives of the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia belong to one of the groups of political elite that filled a relatively unpretentious niche. At the same time, the key (and perhaps the only) resource of the party is political one. Electoral support is the aspect the party can really rely on. Nationalism and anti-Semitism also are of populist nature, since they do not receive any due theoretical substantiation in the analyzed party documents. The party does not represents interest of large capital. Moreover, on the permanent basis LDPR leadership does not represent interests of any social group, besides the one they belong to. Reduction of the socioeconomic issues to the question of moral and business qualities of the ruling elite and possibility for its rotation suggest that the Liberal-Democratic Party of Russia is satisfied with the current political regime and socioeconomic formation. The struggle is only for expansion of the filled niche. The aforementioned factors, along with the absence of sustainable and resourceful social backbone, leads to the thought that the existence of liberal democrats in Russia is directly or indirectly supported by the ruling elite.

scholarly journals IMPACT OF INDUSTRIAL UNIONS STRIKE ON THE PERFORMANCE OF PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES IN NIGERIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 247-256
Author(s):  
Dominic Shimawua ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Universities ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
National Development ◽  
Communication Management ◽  
Trade Disputes ◽  
University System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Nigerian University ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Industrial Unions

The Nigerian University system, which is designed and packaged to be a fulcrum for national development has witnessed so much industrial unrest. Strikes of various and reasons have become a normal phenomenon in growing inconsiderate policy making relationship between the government and academia. Though it is stipulated in the constitution that strikes can be used as avenues to express public opinion which can bring positive changes, and the frequency of industrial crisis/disputes has affects the standard and products of public Universities in Nigeria despite highly improved inputs and this situation is mirrored effectively in the Nigerian economy. This paper reviews the impact of industrial unions strike on the performance of public universities in Nigeria. The study revealed that the problem of industrial relations in the Nigerian University system were found to be lack of education of some labour leaders, the rigid structure of relationships, lack of flow of communication, management and government meddling with union affairs, frequent trade disputes, under funding and inadequate teaching facilities. Political factors were also discovered as some of the causes of industrial disputes within the university system. These affect student academic performance and generally loss of productivity in economic sector of Nigeria. The study recommended that both union leaders and management representatives should from time to time embark on training to understand the workings of industrial relations.

scholarly journals Strengthening the Role of Women in Empowering Mosque Functions After the Covid 19 Pandemic with a Social Entrepreneurship Approach

2022 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-322
Author(s):  
Zeni Luthfiyah
Keyword(s):  
Social Entrepreneurship ◽  
National Development ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Target Object ◽  
Religious Activities ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Savings And Loan ◽  
Rural Appraisal ◽  
Very High

This service aims to increase women's awareness and capacity in managing the function of an economy-based mosque through Zakat, Infak, Shodaqoh, and Waqf (Ziswaf) funds. This departs from the fact in the community around the assisted mosque that in every majlis of women-based religious activities there is an economic sector that is built and developed with a savings and loan cooperative system. especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, the community's need for social institutions like this is very high, this can be seen from the number of borrowers at one of the women's ta'lim majlis which has increased sharply. Therefore, it is important to help increase their role and capacity, in the process of social change and improving people's welfare. Thus, institutionally mosques and mosque congregations as a community of the nation-state can contribute optimally in the national development process. The ability to master mosque empowerment strategies by developing zakat, infaq, shadaqah, and waqaf (ZISWAF) instruments is important to be mastered by mosque welfare officials and women driving economic activity in majlis ta'lim. The method applied in this program is Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) which prioritizes critical dialogue using object/community-based disclosure, to obtain a real perspective in the minds of the target object and at the same time fulfil the paradigmatic alignment as mentioned above. The approach taken in this program is a social entrepreneurship approach, which combines increasing the value of resources economically and streamlining social goals and missions. This approach aims to improve social aspects, as well as implement strategies that are integrated between social and economic aspects.

scholarly journals Ideas of Homeland and Politics of Space: A Study of ‘Muslim Localities’ of Delhi

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nazima Parveen
Keyword(s):  
Urban Space ◽  
English Language ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Politics Of Space ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Communal Space

<p>The thesis investigates community-space relationship in colonial and post-colonial Delhi. Examining the process of identification, demarcation, organization and/or re-organization of space on the basis of religious demographics, the study questions the dominant imagination of ‘Muslim space’ as an objective, homogenous and permanent category. The research relies on extensive use of archival sources from national and local government, Urdu, Hindi and English-language newspaper reports and oral history interviews. The thesis particularly focuses on Shahjahanabad, that later became Old Delhi, to trace the story of the gradual transformation of caste/craft based shared community spaces into religion based ‘segregated’ pockets during the period of 1940-1977.  The study argues that the notion of communal space in Delhi is a product of a long historical process. The discourse of homeland and the realities of Partition not only demarcated space on religious lines but also established the notion of ‘Muslim dominated areas’ as being ‘exclusionary’ and ‘contested’ zones. These localities turned out to be those pockets where the dominant ideas of nation had to be engineered, materialized and practiced. Consequently, these localities were looked at differently over the period: in the 1940s, as ‘Muslim dominated’ areas that were to be administered for the sake of communal peace; in the 1950s, as ‘Muslim zones’ that needed to be ‘protected’; in the 1960s, as ‘isolated’ unhygienic cultural pockets that were to be cleaned and Indianized; and in the 1970s, as locations of ‘internal threat’ – the ‘Mini Pakistan(s)’ - that were to be dismantled.  The thesis starts with colonial Delhi where codification of cow slaughter practices; the demarcation of routes of religious processions; and the sectarian identification of residential wards, defined residential space and more specifically the electoral constituencies as ‘Hindu dominated’, ‘Muslim dominated’ or ‘mixed’ areas. The legal and administrative vocabulary that was deployed to establish such community-centric claims and counter-claims on urban space by political elite in the 1940s illuminates the ways in which a discourse of ‘homeland’ was gradually emerging in colonial and early post-colonial periods.  The thesis then moves on to the post-Partition period and explains the ways in which parallel imaginations of homeland, specifically the reconfigured idea of ‘Pakistan’, produced new imageries of communal space. It discusses the debates around ‘Muslim zones’, Muslim ‘refugee camps’ and ‘evacuee’ properties to unpack the issues of belongingness and identity of Delhi’s Muslims that termed Muslim dominated areas as ‘communally sensitive’ in the 1950s.  The thesis then explores the controversies around meat practice (its production, sale and consumption) in the 1960s -– to understand how an economic activity of slaughtering animals was turned into a ‘Muslim’ practice and placed in a binary opposition to selective Brahmanical vegetarianism claimed to be ‘Hindu’/ ‘Indian’ sensibilities. The consequent politics of space around Idgah slaughter-house, meat shops and the locality of Qasabpura is investigated to make sense of the contest over Muslim localities.  Finally, the ‘operation urbanization’ of the 1970s focusing on the re-organization of city space and communities through redevelopment, resettlement and population control is scrutinized. The thesis examines local politics and administrative policies to see how the authorities zeroed in to end Muslim ‘segregation’ through forced clearance and sterilization in Jama Masjid and Turkman Gate areas during the National Emergency (1975-77).  The study thus seeks to show that ‘Muslim localities’ are discursively constituted political entities that may or may not correspond to the actual demographic configuration of any administrative urban unit.</p>

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