scholarly journals Las preferencias ideológicas y políticas judiciales: un modelo actitudinal sobre el voto en el tribunal constitucional de ecuador

2008 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santiago Basabe Serrano

RESUMEN: El estudio del comportamiento, dinámicas e interacciones de los jueces es un campo de la Ciencia Política que, a pesar de su fertilidad, ha sido analizado residualmente en América Latina. Frente a ello, este trabajo propone un modelo formal sobre el comportamiento de los vocales del Tribunal Constitucional de Ecuador (TC) a través del que se argumenta que las preferencias políticas de los jueces influyen en la dirección que asumen sus votos. Analizado en un amplio período de actividades del TC (1999-2003), y recurriendo a una base de datos de 441 observaciones, el modelo de regresión lineal produce resultados que verifican empíricamente la hipótesis propuesta. Recurriendo a una metodología múltiple, en la que destaca la construcción de un indicador independiente para medir la ubicación ideológica de los jueces, el trabajo concluye sugiriendo criterios a partir de los que se abona el terreno para la posterior exploración, no sólo del voto judicial sino también de las lógicas que conducen los procesos de toma de decisiones en cortes y tribunales de justicia.ABSTRACT: The study of the behavior, dynamic and interactions of the judges, is a field of the Political Science that, in spite of its fertility, has been analyzed residually in Latin America. As opposed to it, this work proposes an formal model of the behavior of the judges of the Constitutional Court of Ecuador (TC) in which is argued that the political preferences of the judges influence in the direction who assume their votes. Tested in an ample period of activities of the  TC (1999-2003), and resorting to a data base of 441 observations, the model of linear regression produces results that verify the propose explanatory hypothesis empirically. Resorting to a multiple methodology, in which it emphasizes the construction of an independent indicator to measure the ideological location of the judges, the work also concludes suggesting criteria from whom the land for the later exploration is paid, not only of the judicial vote but of the logics that the processes of decision making in courts of justice lead.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (101) ◽  
pp. 607
Author(s):  
Ángel Luis Alonso de Antonio

Resumen:La Ley Catalana de Consultas Populares de 2014 constituye un deseo de potenciar la participación ciudadana en la toma de decisiones políticas pero al tiempo era un intento de aprobar una norma que sirviera de marco jurídico para celebrar un verdadero referéndum sobre el futuro político de Cataluña, propósito evitado por el Tribunal Constitucional estableciendo que solo caben las consultas sectoriales y nunca las generales. Abstract:The Catalonia law of popular consultations of 2014, constitute a desire to enhance the citizen participation in political decision-making, but at the same time, it was an attempt to approve a lawe that would serve as the legal framework to hold a true referendum about the political future of Catalonia. This purpose was avoided by the Constitutional Court, stablishing that only sectoral and never general consultations are allowed. Summary:I. Introduction. II. Historical Previous Law Issues. III. Law Topic


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Navé Wald

Social mobilization in Latin America today is often characterized by the adoption of discourses and praxes of radical democracy by social movements. Principles of wider participation in decision making are central to the collective communal economic ventures for capitalizing on peasant production of raw materials of the Movimiento Campesino de Santiago del Estero–Vía Campesina, a peasant organization that is fighting for secure land tenure and higher standards of living in one of Argentina’s least urbanized and poorest provinces. Although at present the economic impact of these activities is not particularly notable, their importance lies in their contribution to the development of economic, social, and political consciousness among the members of the organization. La movilización social en América Latina hoy en día se caracteriza frecuentemente por la adopción por parte de los movimientos sociales de los discursos y praxis asociados con la democracia radical. Principios de una mayor participación en la toma de decisiones son fundamentales para los colectivos comunales de empresas económicas para la capitalización de la producción campesina de las materias primas del Movimiento Campesino de Santiago del Estero–Via Campesina, una organización campesina que lucha por la tenencia segura de la tierra y mejores niveles de vida en una de las provincias menos urbanizadas y más pobres de la Argentina. Aunque en la actualidad el impacto económico de estas actividades no es particularmente notable, su importancia radica en su contribución al desarrollo de la conciencia económica, social y política entre los miembros de la organización.


Author(s):  
Mariel J. Barnes

Most accounts of franchise extension hold that elites extend electoral rights when they believe expansions will consolidate their political power. Yet, how do elites come to believe this? And how do elites make inferences about the political preferences of the disenfranchised? I argue that elites utilize the cue of “disposition” to determine the consequences of enfranchisement. Disposition refers to the innate characteristics of an individual (or group) that are believed to shape behavior and decision-making. Importantly, because disposition is perceived to be intrinsic, elites assume it is more stable and permanent than party identification or policy preferences. Using historical process-tracing and discourse analysis of primary documents, I determine that disposition was frequently and repeatedly used to either support or oppose women’s enfranchisement in New Zealand.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucia Dalla Pellegrina ◽  
Jef De Mot ◽  
Michael Faure ◽  
Nuno Garoupa

Belgian Constitutional Court – Conflicts between regions, communities and the central government – Allocation of competences – Decisions with high political content – Degree of political alignment between the parties in litigation and judicial behaviour at the Court – Empirical testing – All decisions of the Belgian Constitutional Court, 1985-2012 – Alignment between the alleged political preferences of the judges and the political affiliation of the Petitioner increases the rate of success of the latter


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Nalda Arias Cascante ◽  
Shirley León Jiménez

<p>El presente artículo pretende ofrecer una reflexión<br />sobre el papel de la mujer trabajadora en América Latina<br />y Europa, orientada al cambio y a la toma de decisiones,<br />por medio de la metodología cualitativa (Taylor y<br />Bogdan, 1986), basada en el paradigma interpretativo,<br />cuyo fin es comprender e interpretar, mediante el análisis<br />documental consultado sobre esta relevante temática,<br />una serie de elementos en su comprensión.El abordaje<br />de la temática de la mujer trabajadora comprende<br />muchas aristas, por lo que utilizaremos la perspectiva<br />de género, con lo que se pretende mostrar cómo se complejiza<br />y transforma en una categoría de análisis para<br />pensar/repensar y transformar las relaciones sociales entre<br />los sexos que aún pugnan en el ámbito de la organización<br />social y cultural actuales. Asimismo, se aportan<br />los hallazgos encontrados sobre esta temática, los cuales<br />permitirán ampliar el campo de investigación y brindar<br />nuevos elementos para plantear cambios estructurales<br />profundos que den paso al rompimiento de los viejos<br />paradigmas patriarcales.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article calls for a consideration of the role of<br />working women in Latin America and Europe, oriented<br />towards change and decision making using a qualitative<br />methodology (Taylor and Bogdan, 1987) based on<br />interpretative paradigm and whose objective is to comprehend<br />and interpret a series of elements of this topic<br />through an analysis of documented research.<br />The approach of the working woman’s topic can<br />be done from several angles, so we will use a gender<br />perspective to show how it becomes an analytical category<br />to think, rethink and transform the gender<br />relations still present in current social and cultural<br />organizations. Also, new findings on this subject are<br />presented that will allow broaden the investigation field<br />and propose deep structural changes to break old patriarchal<br />paradigms.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chien-Chih LIN

AbstractThe judicialization of politics in Taiwan is particularly evident in three domains: the expansion of judicial power, a shift in political equilibrium, and litigation for social change. Yet it is not altogether clear why politicians and social groups are willing to transfer decision-making powers from the political branches to the judiciary, particularly the Constitutional Court. This paper endeavours to fill this academic lacuna by suggesting that the judicialization of politics occurs in Taiwan because both politicians and citizens choose the judiciary as another agent to implement their preferred policies. Nevertheless, Taiwan does not become a juristocracy and, indeed, the pace of the judicialization has slowed down since the second party turnover. The development of the judicialization of politics in Taiwan may shed new light on many old topics, such as judicial supremacy and the relationship between judicial power and political uncertainty.


Author(s):  
Tobias Lock

The inclusion of this title by the ToL can be seen as a reaction to the debate around an alleged democratic deficit of the EU. Some, including the German Federal Constitutional Court (BVerfG), rely on the controversial so-called ‘no demos thesis’ to demonstrate a lack of democracy at the EU level. The no demos thesis contends that in the absence of a European people there cannot be full democracy so that the EU’s democratic legitimation must ultimately come from the MS. Others are less categorical in their criticism, but point to a missing political contest over political authority and a ‘lack of direct democratic input legitimation in the form of elections and representation together with majoritarian decision-making.’ This contributes to a disconnection between the political preferences of voters and policy outcomes at the EU level. Moreover, many of the key actors—most importantly members of the EU Commission—cannot be removed from office by means of a popular vote.


2008 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Móónica Quijada

This work studies the configuration in Hispanic political thought of the principle that true political legitimacy is based on the consent of the community and on the contractual nature of the origin of political power. The goal is to recover viewpoints that have been obscured by a Hispanist historiography, that is, a historiography of those whose work on the Hispanic world, which has focused on some authors and excluded others who were as significant and as influential. Moreover, this work seeks to highlight the unique aspects of that tradition in light of how historiography classifies diverse expressions of modern political thought in relation to their conservative or radical potential which, in the end, foreshadow their relation with, and influence on, the political changes of modernity. This article argues that the development of the principle of potestas populi within Hispanic political thought forms part of the long tradition of ““radical ideas”” that nourished modern revolutions and that this tradition was taken even further when it was applied to——the then recently discovered, that is, conquered——American populations. Finally, this work maintains that political thought should be reconsidered from a viewpoint that is not focused on a world of readers and academic learning——in which ideas, references, and texts are passed among individuals or groups of individuals——but on a more flexible notion and a wider scope: the concept of imaginaire, that is, how societies represent and perceive themselves. The reality of imaginaires resides in their very existence, their impact on mentality and behaviour, and in their capacity to influence decision-making processes. En este trabajo se estudia la configuracióón, en el pensamiento políítico hispáánico, del principio segúún el cual toda legitimidad políítica se basa en el consentimiento de la comunidad y en la naturaleza contractual del origen del poder. Uno de sus objetivos es recuperar planteamientos que han sido oscurecidos por la excluyente atencióón que la historiografíía interesada en los procesos hispáánicos ha prestado a algunos autores, por encima de otros igualmente significativos e influyentes. Se trata ademáás de resaltar los singulares matices de dicha tradicióón textual, a la luz de la clasificacióón que la historiografíía suele asignar a las distintas expresiones del pensamiento políítico moderno en funcióón de su potencial conservador o radical; lo que, en úúltima instancia, prefigura sus relaciones e influencias sobre los cambios polííticos de la modernidad. Se sostiene aquíí que el desarrollo del principio de la potestas populi en el pensamiento políítico hispáánico forma parte de la larga tradicióón de ““ideas radicales”” que alimentaron las revoluciones modernas, que fueron incluso llevadas a extremos no corrientes en la éépoca al ser aplicadas a las poblaciones que habíían sido recientemente descubiertas y que eran por tanto poblaciones de conquista. Finalmente, este trabajo mantiene que el pensamiento políítico debe ser reconsiderado desde una perspectiva que no se centre en un mundo de lectores y conocimiento acadéémico en que ideas, referencias y textos son transmitidos entre individuos o grupos de individuos, sino a partir de una nocióón máás flexible amplia: el concepto de imaginario, es decir, el conjunto de representaciones que las sociedades producen y desde las cuales se perciben a síí mismas; y cuya realidad reside en su propia existencia, en su impacto sobre las mentalidades y comportamientos y en su capacidad de influir sobre la toma de decisiones.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


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