scholarly journals The Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI) 1950-1959: Political Role and Progress during Liberal Democracy

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Armedyestu Priyonggo ◽  
Yety Rochwulaningsih ◽  
Indriyanto Indriyanto
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Youth Groups ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The Government ◽  
Intellectual Elites ◽  
Party Work

The establishment of PSI was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the National Movement which the members came from intellectual elites named PNI Baru. This organization had an important role in the form of Parliamentary Democracy system in Indonesia. During the independence period, PNI Baru became a political party called Partai Rakyat Sosialis (Paras), Paras then affiliated with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Parsi) to become the Partai Sosialis in the late of 1945. Partai Sosialis appeared convincing as the dominating party in the course of Indonesian politics in early independence, placing Sjahrir and Amir as cabinet leaders for five consecutive periods. After the name of Partai Sosialis changed into PSI on February 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. PSI had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of Indonesia at that time. It was only after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty that the PSI was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. The PSI members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952 and Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with PSI also became party representatives to serve the government during that period.

scholarly journals Cabinet Formation Elections: Among Opposition, Coalition, or Collegiality of The Party’s Chairperson

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Sulardi Sulardi ◽  
Wafda Vivid Izziyana
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Government Coalition

Constitutional change is always tinged with a tense and lasting political constellation in both national and international contexts. the existence of transactional politics to gain seats constantly influences political dynamics in the election period. The method used in this research is the doctrinal method. Indonesia applies a presidential government system but does not fully follow the existing doctrine. several coalitions in the government coalition were made. As a result when the President and Vice President are nominated. political parties that support the nomination feel they have the right to join the government, as in the parliamentary system of government. The cabinet filling model is also influenced by supporting parties. It shows that political parties can collaborate to form a joint government, however, the President has the prerogative in determining who will be his minister. It should be carefully noted down that our country is a country adopting a presidential government system. As a result, the formation and the ministers elections of the government is not at the hand of the chairperson of the political parties coalition, but fully at the hand of the president as the President’s prerogative rights. This cannot be proceeded. Chairperson of the Political parties in a coalition may expect to get some seats of powers (minister) from the President Keywords: cabinet; election; political; party; chairperson

The Singapore Ulama

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 561-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuty Raihanah Mostarom
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Government ◽  
Common Perception

There is a common perception that Muslim religious leaders (ulama) in Singapore do not play any political role for the local Muslim community. Due to the seemingly close relationship between the government and grassroots Muslim organisations it is unsurprising that many presume that the activities of organisations such as the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) and the Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) are closely monitored by the government. As a result of this environment, the ulama in Singapore do not enter into the political arena. This article argues that the very act of keeping religion out of formal political life in Singapore is a conscious position taken by the local ulama and that in itself is a form of politics. Choosing not to do something is a political choice.

scholarly journals MARKETING POLITIK DPP PARTAI GERINDRA PADA PEMILU LEGISLATIF 2014

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fahmi Nurdiansyah
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Marketing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Public Figure ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Government

The purpose of this research is to know the implementation in the political marketing of Gerindra Party and some factors encouraging the party to gain a wide range of constituent voters in the legislative elections 2014. The aforementioned evidence reveals that Gerindra Party approached middle class down society and youth, on determining intended voters and this party also focusing on small society (farmer, fisherman, labour, teacher and small trader). In terms of positioning, Gerindra Party put themselves in outside of the government and acknowledge them as the party for small society. In Indonesian political constellation, it can be seen that political party has a high correlation with the power of public figure to increase popularity and electability. Gerindra Party is still introduced Prabowo Subianto as a public figure who can be used to gain a number of voters for the party.

Does the political party in the government increase intentional homicide in Brazil?

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 706-726
Author(s):  
Paulo R. A. Loureiro ◽  
Tito B. S. Moreira ◽  
Antônio Nascimento ◽  
Roberto Ellery
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government

El Jefe y el Partido

2018 ◽  
pp. 125-164
Author(s):  
Iñigo García-Bryce
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Youth Groups ◽  
Cult Of Personality ◽  
Religious Sect ◽  
The Moment

This chapter explores the complex relationship between Haya and the political party he created. Aware from the moment he entered politics that his life could be in danger, Haya deliberately built a lasting institution with a coherent ideology and a solid organization. Yet he also nourished a cult of personality and demanded total allegiance of his followers, leading some to accuse the party of being a quasi-religious sect. While youth groups socialized young Apristas to be disciplined and loyal, Haya’s critics (often former Apristas) attempted to undermine his image by portraying him as a lover of luxury and pointing to his alleged homosexuality. The tension between party organization and a strong personalist leadership continues to define the party today.

Framing media populism: The political role of news media editorials in Duterte’s Philippines

Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fourth Estate ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Media Frames ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.

Were Women and Young People the Heart of the Pinochet Regime? Rise and Decline of the Secretariats

2013 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-583
Author(s):  
Verónica Valdivia Ortiz de Zárate
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Southern Cone ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complete Understanding ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Evolution ◽  
Political Project ◽  
The Government

Abstract This article focuses on the political role of the Secretariats of Women and Youth, which were created by Augusto Pinochet’s military regime, in an effort to unearth their underlying rationale. It departs from previous interpretations of these organizations that privilege the influence of foreign models in their formation, highlighting instead factors internal to Chile and seeking a more complete understanding of the dictatorship’s actions in regard to the secretariats. This analysis portrays the Chilean secretariats as different from their counterparts in other Southern Cone dictatorships. The trajectories of the secretariats followed the Chilean regime’s political evolution, as they served different goals and strategies and changed course as the government developed a more clearly defined political project, along with policies to carry such a project out.

The Pet Banks in Jacksonian Politics and Finance, 1833–1841

1963 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry N. Scheiber
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Financial Policy ◽  
Andrew Jackson ◽  
Federal Funds ◽  
Political Role ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

In September 1833, Andrew Jackson issued an executive order ending deposit of Federal funds in the Bank of the United States, which had been the government depository since 1817. The culmination of Jackson's long struggle with the Bank and its friends in Congress, this measure closed a chapter in the political history of the era. To the conservative Jacksonians, “victory over the Bank of the United States was a consummation” that freed the state banks and business enterprise from the control of a powerful and despised institution. To the radical, hard-money faction of the Democratic party, however, “removal of the deposits” (as the order was popularly termed) was merely a first step toward more fundamental reform—elimination of the monetary disturbances that they attributed to reliance on bank paper for the currency of the country. Because of this divergence of views, partisan and factional disputes over Jacksonian financial policy did not cease with victory over the Bank. Central to the continuing debate was the relationship of die Treasury Department to the group of state-chartered banks, usually called the “pet banks,” in which Federal funds were deposited after September 1833. My purpose here is to review Treasury operations in die period 1833–1841, to suggest the political role of die pet banks and the economic impact of financial policy in die administrations of Jackson and Van Buren.

scholarly journals The Role of Political Parties in SBY's Era of Leadership Period 2004-2014

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The People ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government

scholarly journals Constitution Review- between necessity and opportunity

2020 ◽  
pp. 11-26
Author(s):  
ANCA-JEANINA NIȚĂ
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Legislative Proposals ◽  
The Government ◽  
Institutional Actors ◽  
Constitutional Revision

The present article aims to rediscuss the variables of constitutional revision. This effort stems from the recent initiatives purporting “to reform the Constitutional Court of Romania” and observations regarding the “major deficit of parliamentary democracy in the legislative procedure”, generated by the special procedures of “tacit adoption”, “assuming responsibility” and the excess of legislative power on part of the Government, as expressed through ordinances. Given a constitution needs a certain level of stability and the possibility to adapt to new, political and social realities, this article showcases the procedural rules and limits in relation to constitutional revision. It selectively presents possible outcomes of a future constitutional revision – stemming from the observation of disfunctions manifested in the functioning of the constitutional-statal mechanism (particularly the parliamentary practice of tacitly adopting bills and legislative proposals and the governmental practices in the field of assuming responsibility before Parliament and of adopting emergency ordinances). It showcases the constitutional and infraconstitutional framework regulating the organization and functioning of the Constitutional Court of Romania and remarks a recent bill to amend Law No. 47/1992. Last but not least, it analyses whether constitutional amendments would actually play a part in consolidating the democratic regime of Romania if not paired with a reform of the political elite, reshaping the conduct of the main political and institutional actors

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document