Does the political party in the government increase intentional homicide in Brazil?

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 706-726
Author(s):  
Paulo R. A. Loureiro ◽  
Tito B. S. Moreira ◽  
Antônio Nascimento ◽  
Roberto Ellery
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government

scholarly journals MARKETING POLITIK DPP PARTAI GERINDRA PADA PEMILU LEGISLATIF 2014

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fahmi Nurdiansyah
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Marketing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Public Figure ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Government

The purpose of this research is to know the implementation in the political marketing of Gerindra Party and some factors encouraging the party to gain a wide range of constituent voters in the legislative elections 2014. The aforementioned evidence reveals that Gerindra Party approached middle class down society and youth, on determining intended voters and this party also focusing on small society (farmer, fisherman, labour, teacher and small trader). In terms of positioning, Gerindra Party put themselves in outside of the government and acknowledge them as the party for small society. In Indonesian political constellation, it can be seen that political party has a high correlation with the power of public figure to increase popularity and electability. Gerindra Party is still introduced Prabowo Subianto as a public figure who can be used to gain a number of voters for the party.

scholarly journals The Role of Political Parties in SBY's Era of Leadership Period 2004-2014

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The People ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government

scholarly journals Koalisi Partai Politik di Kabinet: Antara Penguatan Lembaga Kepresidenan atau Politik Balas Budi

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusrizal Adi Syaputra
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The political party's position as a determinant of government head nomination in Indonesia made the political party a central and strong role in the determination of the Cabinet in the presidential government of Indonesia and allowed the political party to determine the Cabinet domination established by the President elected. This research aims to determine the model of the presidential institution strengthening in the multi-party era in Indonesia and to know the political and juridical construction of the presidential institution in determining the cabinet in Indonesia. The method used is a normative legal research method with a conceptual approach. The results of this research are, firstly that the strengthening of the presidential institution in the multi-party era can occur when done with the restriction of political parties through the mechanism of the parliamentary threshold. Secondly, that the political construction of the cabinet determination by the President is based on the coalition of political party supporters of the government, and the juridical construction of the President may elect the Minister of the party proposal because it is based on article 6A paragraph (2) The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. Kedudukan partai politik sebagai penentu pencalonan kepala pemerintahan di Indonesia menjadikan Partai Politik memiliki peran sentral dan kuat dalam penentuan kabinet di Pemerintahan Presidentiil Indonesia dan memungkinkan partai politik untuk menentukan dominasi kabinet yang dibentuk oleh Presiden terpilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui model penguatan lembaga kepresidenan pada era multi partai di Indonesia, dan untuk mengetahui konstruksi politis dan yuridis lembaga kepresidenan dalam menentukan kabinet di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pertama, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan di era multi partai dapat terjadi apabila dilakukan dengan pembatasan partai politik melalui mekanisme parlementary threshold. Kedua, bahwa konstruksi politis penentuan kabinet oleh presiden didasarkan atas koalisi partai politik pendukung pemerintahan, dan konstruksi yuridis presiden dapat memilih menteri dari usulan partai karena didasarkan pada Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD 1945.

scholarly journals Government vs opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta since World War II

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antti Pajala
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Random Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Insight Into

In a parliamentary system it is by definition justified to assume the government parties voting almost always in a unitary manner in plenary votes. In a multiparty system it is, however, hard to predict how the opposition groups vote. Few studies analysing government-opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta were published during the 1960s and 1970s. This study provides similar analyses regarding the parliamentary years of 1991-2012. Combined the studies provide an insight into the government-opposition relations since World War II. The results show that before the 1990s the government-opposition division in plenary votes appeared rather clear and the political party groups’ positions followed the traditional left-right dimension. Since the 1990s, the government-opposition division has become greater. The governing coalition acts almost as a bloc while the opposition groups are divided into moderate and hard opposition. The opposition groups, however, appear in a more or less random order. Consequently, since the 1990s the left-right dimension has disappeared with respect to plenary voting.

scholarly journals Civil Society against Corruption: A Study of the Role of PRISM in Mizoram

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-69
Author(s):  
Lalthakima
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Free Society ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Right To Information ◽  
Member Of Parliament

None of the countries in the world is ‘corruption free country’. Despite the efforts of every country to curb the menace of corruption, the affected countries failed to contain corruption to the level of zero. It becomes a serious threat and challenge to most democratic countries of the world. At present civil societies which bridge the gap between the society and the government come to the forefront to fight against this menace. In Mizoram; for more than a decade, People’s Right to Information and Development Implementing Society of Mizoram (PRISM) involved in fighting against corruption. However, after a prolonged campaign against corruption, the society has turned itself to be a political party on November 3, 2017 and contested election for the Assembly seats in 2018 and also contested an election for a lone seat of Member of Parliament from Mizoram in the lower house of the Parliament in 2019. The name of the erstwhile society was rechristened as ‘People’s Representation for Identity and Status of Mizoram’ and retained the abbreviated form PRISM. Efficiency in governance, changing the political system and corruption free society are the main objectives of PRISM.

Cultural Corporatism and the COC

2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-172
Author(s):  
Robert J. Davidson
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Political Party ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Gay And Lesbian ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
The Government

Abstract Debates on gay and lesbian advocacy in the Netherlands have often revolved around the role of the political culture of pillarisation in facilitating or hindering the gay and lesbian (GL) social movement. Pillarisation ended, however, just as the GL movement was beginning to gain momentum. In this article, gay and lesbian advocacy is examined from 1986-1994, during which the government engaged in designing a national policy to combat anti-homosexual discrimination. After describing the transition from a political cultural of pillarisation to one of corporatism, I will investigate the extent to which corporatism was extended to the gay and lesbian social movement and structured relations between the government and the gay and lesbian social movement. Last, I will examine the ways in which a political culture of corporatism affected gay and lesbian advocacy. In extending corporatism to the GL social movement, the government created strong partners with whom policy could be negotiated and developed. Incorporation empowered some GL SMOs and secured their ‘place at the table’. Once incorporated into the formal political arena, the SMOs were able to achieve a number of policy advancements, but they also had to compete with much stronger players. Despite the strong position of some GL SMOs, and the COC in particular, some political party opposition to the GL movement resulted in the GL movement’s failure to achieve its most central goal.

Reconciling access to information and political party funding in Malawi: a comparative analysis of legislation

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Mapulanga ◽  
Dorothy Doreen Eneya ◽  
Diston Store Chiweza
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Access To Information ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Human Resource Capacity ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party Funding

Purpose The purpose of this paper was to assess the similarities and differences between the Political Parties and the Access to Information Acts in Malawi. While political parties are largely funded by donations that are frequently kept as a secret, the Access to Information Act does not include political party funding among the categories of non-disclosed information. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on the qualitative content analysis of the legislation in Malawi. Content analysis of the two pieces of legislation was adopted. This paper is a review of the literature and an examination of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. The document study was supplemented by a review of related literature on the two legislations. Findings The Political Parties Act prohibits the government, ministries and departments from directly or indirectly funding political parties. The Access to Information Act to ensure information generated by Malawi government ministries, departments and agencies is readily made available by the citizens when needed or requested. The Access to Information Act does not exempt political parties from disclosing their funding sources. The two acts work in tandem to promote accountability and transparency in political party funding and sources. Research limitations/implications This study is limited to Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts. Only the South African related acts have informed the paper. However, several acts within developing countries would have greatly aided the paper. Practical implications The implementation of the two pieces of legislation has implications for the balance between disclosure and non-disclosure of political party funding. Oversight functions and credible human resource capacity are needed in both political parties and government enforcement institutions. Social implications Oversight functions by the Administrator-General through the Registrar of Political Parties and the Malawi Human Rights Commission are key to the implementation of Malawi's Political Parties and Access to Information Acts, respectively. Proper enforcement of the oversight functions is expected to result in an open, transparent and accountable Malawian society. Originality/value Various players are needed in the accountability chain to protect disclosure and non-disclosure of information. Very little information is known on the powers, functions and duties of office bearers capable of enforcing legislation to keep political parties' funding clean. Little is known on how the citizens can access information regarding political parties funding.

scholarly journals TRANSFORMASI GERAKAN SOSIAL KE PARTAI POLITIK KIPRAH POLITIK PARTAI RAKYAT DEMOKRATIK DI MASA REFORMASI

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gili Argenti
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Study Group ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Government

In the New Order era (Orde Baru), the end of the 1970s until the early 1990s, the student movement is faced with repressive measures, a policy of limiting the political activities of students applied, then the search for a new format motion is a must. The study group is an option to avoid the political power. In the expansion, the study group turns into a political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PRD). The emergence of the PRD as an opposition party to the New Order Indonesian political public attention, because of their political program is so radical. Also, the communist stigma attached by the government to the party’s young people reap the reaction of pro and cons in the community. After the collapse of the New Order, PRD became an electoral party but failed to reap the support of voters. This paper describes the process of changing the format of the student movement of the 1990s, from the study group into action committees, later became a political party, in this paper also described the political progress of PRD in the reform era. 

scholarly journals SACKING OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENTS IN PAKISTAN: A CRITICAL REVIEW

2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-150
Author(s):  
Summer Sultana ◽  
Nuzhat Jahan
Keyword(s):  
Social Behavior ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Current Scenario ◽  
The Government ◽  
Pass Through ◽  
Definition Of

A commonly accepted definition of the democracy is; “Rule of the majority by the supreme power vested in the people and exercised by them directly”. The democratic government may remain in power until and unless people repose the confidence over it. In Pakistan the main reason of failure of the democracy is that, it is generally against the social behavior of Pakistan. Just because of this the democracy could not come around in Pakistan, yet people cannot be incriminated for the same. The history is witnessed that Pakistani people had supported all social movements having collective ambitions but unluckily after freedom no political party or leadership was available to Pakistanis which could do something for them. Soon after freedom bureaucrats had prevalence in the government due to this the overall control remained in the hands of Governor General or non-representatives. So, democratic institutions could not attain freedom from them. Undoubtedly from the beginning the Pakistan Army attained a dominating role in the system of government and in the field of politics and during the last 60 years they remained in rule for more than a half of the tenure and the political governments were never allowed to take any step freely. In the current scenario Pakistan should have to pass through a democratic way which was stopped by the Armed forces and bureaucracy by adopting different means.

scholarly journals Instruments to measure the successfulness of political parties

2005 ◽  
pp. 395-403
Author(s):  
Uros Suvakovic
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Measuring Instruments ◽  
Local Leadership ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Basic Goal ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Social sciences should always aim to reach the highest possible level of exactness, as much as they can when one has in mind their topic of research. In the case of research about political parties, we believe that it is possible - with relatively exract indicators - to establish their successfulness and quantify it by using two measuring instruments: the ten-member graphic scale of successfulness of political parties and the index of successfulness of political parties. Political parties are political organizations of ideological-political like(similar)-minded persons who create associations lasting relatively long period of time to promote specific programme standpoints with the basic goal to win, that is stay in power or participate in power. Through power, they realize and confirm the interests, values and goals of those social groups which they tend to represent, as a rule trying to present these interests, values and goals as general, that is as global as possible. This definition of the notion of political party clearly indicates that its basic goal is winning, that is staying or at least participating in power. Therefore, to measure the successfulness of political parties means to determine the degree a party succeeded in realizing that basic goal of any party. Since the political power is implemented through the parliament and the government is a product of the power relations in it, one could assume that successful political parties are only those which have a parliamentary status. How much one of them would be successful depends on the position it can ensure for itself in a concrete constellation of political relations. Among the successful ones the least successful is the political party which has a parliamentary status but it is in the opposition and not leading this opposition - so it has no influence on the government (the position 6 on the scale); the most successful party is the one which has enough power to form the government alone (position 10). From the standpoint of any party - winning, staying or participating in power, the nonparliamentary parties are unsuccessful political parties. Amnog them, the most unsuccessful is the party which just satisfied the conditions for registration, whose leaders meet twice a year and which formed at least 5 local leadership bodies (the position 1 on the scale); the least unsuccessful political party is the party which won more than 3% of the votes of those who voted at the parliamentary elections, but is below the census proposed for entering the parliament or which managed to nominate at least 10% of the total number of the candidates for the representatives in the assemblies of the local communities at the municipal rank (position 5). While calculating the index of successfulness, each party is given a number of points for every year - these points reflect the position of that party on the scale of successfulness for that year (for example, the party X has the position 5 in 1993 and it gets 5 points). Since the index of successfulness is calculated for the period of 10 years, the sum of points acquired for these 10 years is divided by the number 10 to get the index of successfulness of political parties.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document