scholarly journals Neoliberalizm i desekularyzacja jako dwa wymiary reform edukacji we współczesnej Turcji

1970 ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Dobrochna Hildebrandt-Wypych

The text focuses on neoliberalism and desecularisation as two major dimensions of social and educational change in contemporary Turkey. Key educational reforms of recent years are discussed from the perspective of the conservative-religious turn in Turkish society and politics, particularly noticeable from 2002, i.e. the first AKP electoral success. However, the origins of the Oriental-Western duality of identity, as well as the “use” of Islam for strengthening the new Turkish national identity, can be traced back to Kemalist policy of secularisation and modernization of Turkish society. This peculiar merge of neoliberal and religious symbols is also visible in education, where selforientalizing, nationalizing and secularizing discourses mix with the pressure on selection, effectiveness and competition in the “western” style. Therefore, the rising importance of faith schools in present day Turkey has also been discussed in the light of the historical Kemalist concept of transformation of Islam and the creation of national, state-controlled “civic religion”.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Freddy Pignon

When Michael Cusack founded the Gaelic Athletic Association in 1884, the political debate in Ireland was dominated by Home Rule. The creation of the GAA may have found inspiration in the growing nationalist movement led by Charles Stewart Parnell, but the Irish Parliamentary Party may also have been bolstered by the sporting organisation’s ideal of reviving the national identity through the preservation of its traditional games. The GAA undoubtedly conferred legitimacy on the political movement which peaked in December 1885 with a wide electoral success and then with the introduction of the first Home Rule Bill. But Home Rule did not exactly mean the same in sport as in politics. Even though Michael Cusack was not hostile to power sharing with the unionist leaders of existing athletic associations, the failure of his first attempts to democratise Irish sport led him to defend a more radical position implying total separation from his counterparts under British supervision. The Home Rule movement certainly benefited from the GAA’s nationalist and cultural stance to develop Irish consciousness. But the likelihood of self-government was compromised by the own image of the GAA’s administration whose sectarianism and internal disputes over its political nature could hardly convince unionists of their interest to agree with the principle of Home Rule.


2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-118
Author(s):  
Yuval Tal

Abstract This article explores how, through discussions about immigrant assimilation in fin de siècle Algeria, French republicans contemplated and wrote into law the ethnic traits of French national identity. Republicans assumed that the North Mediterranean immigrants who settled in Algeria shared ethnic origins with French settlers and consequently asserted that France should work to “fuse” the two groups. Assertions about immigrants' ethnicity took different forms. In the colony they appeared either at the margins of colonial administrators' attacks against immigrant communal organization or in literary representations of French-Mediterranean fusion. In the metropole republican legislators portrayed immigrants as innately prone to becoming French and thus supported the 1889 nationality law that naturalized them. The passing of the 1889 law prompted the creation of an explicitly ethnorepublican assimilatory model. The model's proponents combined sociological and eugenicist principles to both socialize immigrants into the nation and promote the transfer of their Mediterranean “vigor” into French bodies. Cet article examine les efforts des intellectuels et des dirigeants républicains pour assimiler les immigrés européens en Algérie à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Il affirme que les identités communautaires et la prépondérance démographique des immigrés ont poussé l'élite républicaine à envisager leur capacité ethnique à s'assimiler à la société française, et montre que l'idée que les Français et les immigrés avaient la même origine ethnique a façonné les débats sur l'assimilation nationale et a influencé la formation des lois républicaines fondamentales. En Algérie, des affirmations à propos de l'identité ethnique des immigrés européens apparaissaient en marge des discussions politiques sur leur organisation communautaire et dans les romans des écrivains algérianistes. En métropole, des législateurs républicains supposaient que la « ressemblance ethnique » entre Français et immigrés assurait l'assimilation rapide de ces derniers et ils ont soutenu la loi de 1889 sur la nationalité qui les a naturalisés. A l'issue de la législation de 1889, une vision de fusionnement des colons français et des membres de la « race méditerranéenne » en Algérie s'est développée. Ses partisans ont combiné des principes sociologiques avec des principes eugéniques dans le but d'incorporer les immigrés européens dans la nation et de faire transporter leur « vigueur » dans les corps des Français.


Author(s):  
Sutapa Dutta ◽  

Nilanjana Mukherjee’s book looks at construction of space, leading from imaginative to concrete contours, within the context of the British imperial enterprise in India. Fundamental to her argument is that colonial definitions of sovereignty were defined in terms of control over space and not just over people, and hence it was first necessary to map the space and inscribe symbols into it. In the latter half of the eighteenth century, imperialism and colonization were complex phenomena that involved new and imminent strategies of nation building. No other period of British history, as Linda Colley has noted, has seen such a conscious attempt to construct a national state and national identity (Colley 1992). Although the physical occupation of India by the British East India Company could be said to have begun with the battle of Plassey (1757), nevertheless the process of conquest through mediation of symbolic forms indicate the time and manner in which the ‘conquest’ was conscripted


Author(s):  
Nele Bemong

Between 1830 and 1850, practically out of nowhere there came into beinga truly 'Belgian' literature, written boch in Flemish and in French, but aimedat a single goal: the creation of a Belgian past and the conscruction of aBelgian national identity. The historical novel played a crucial role in thisconscruction and representation of a collective memory for the Belgian statejust out of the cradle. The prefaces to these historical novels are characterizedboth by the central role granted to the representacion of Flanders as the cradleof nineteenth-century Belgium, and by the organically and religiously inspiredimagery. Attempts were made to create an intimate genealogical relationshipwith the forefathers, in order to make the Belgian citizens feel closer to theirrich heritage. Through the activation of specific recollections from theimmense archive of the collective cultural memory, Belgian independencefound its legitimization both towards the international community andtowards the Belgian people.


Author(s):  
Alyson E. King

Edna Cress Staebler was a fairly typical young woman when she arrived at the University of Toronto in 1926. While attending the university, she explored the new ideas and norms of the interwar era. This article examines Staebler’s experiences within the context of modernity, the university and the creation of a Canadian nation. Staebler’s university years provided the foundations for her later career as a journalist and author during which she helped to create a modern Canadian national identity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 678-687
Author(s):  
Vladimir Gennadyevich Kudryavtsev

The article is devoted to the study of places of worship in traditional Mari culture, which are in varying degrees of sacredness. They have so far preserved artifacts and symbols that form the cultural identity of the people. The Mari religion in the most complete local traditions preserves the system of pagan cults and rites. The trend towards the revival of pagan religion and the creation of religious organizations and communities is associated with a general upsurge in national identity. This became necessary in the context of national movements as a means of ethnic self-defense and a factor of ethnocultural revival. Original ethnocultural traditions and formative elements of folk architecture are relevant and important in the design of modern architectural complexes and the creation of small architectural forms in folk architecture, landscape design, and the formation of an ethnocultural environment. Further sacralization of places of worship will contribute to the preservation of natural monuments and the manifestation of artifacts and symbols of cultural identity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 745-763
Author(s):  
Ceren Özgül

This chapter argues that the supposed binary of a secular state and popular Islam is inadequate as a tool of analysis if we are to understand how religion has become a prominent category of both privilege and exclusion in Turkish society. Specifically, it contends that successive Turkish governments have privileged Sunni Islam as national identity. To build this argument, the chapter follows two parallel threads. The first analyses the ethnic and religious homogenization of the national body with a particular emphasis on violence against non-Muslim and non-Sunni groups. The second shows how, within the larger historical context of modernization theory, Cold War politics, and the post-9/11 promotion of moderate Islam, successive Turkish governments worked towards maintaining Sunni Muslim privilege while continuously expanding the category of enemies of the Turkish nation.


Author(s):  
Mark Rice

This chapter focuses on the centennial celebrations of Hiram Bingham’s “discovery” of Machu Picchu. The lavish ceremony illustrated how Peruvian national state now embraced Machu Picchu as a sign of national identity. It shows how transnational networks of capital, culture, and travel had made Machu Picchu into a global symbol of Peru. However, the continued lack of social or economic inclusion of Andean communities into the Peruvian nation casts light on the limits and potential threat that such processes can have. The influence of tourism and global consumption of Machu Picchu has unmoored the site from the region of Cusco. A century of tourism growth has transformed cusqueños into figurative owners of Peruvian national identity while simultaneously displacing their control over the region’s economic and political future.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document