Twelve: Thoroughly Decent People, Indecent Times

Aid Memoir ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 217-242
Keyword(s):  
2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Kedar Dahal

The poor are highly migrate from the surrounding districts of Kathmandu valley and largely dependent on direct cash income from the informal activities. Casual wage labor, petty trade and private and professional services are common livelihood activities. However, availability of income generation activities remains largely irregular and depends on the season, gender, age of person, ethnic and education background. Foreign employment, skill-based activities and petty trade fetch the highest return. It is also found that the level of family income is determined not only by ethnic background; but there are other factors, for example family structure, working hours, nature of work and seasonality. There is a significant impact of education and working hour in household income. Poor are assets of urban economy. We could not neglect them. They are hard working and decent people. But poor policy and attitude makes them highly vulnerable in the urban environment. However, all people living in the squatter or slum are not only poor but some of them are economically well-off, though they have poor accessed of modern banking and financial institutions, in many cases, banking policies discouraged them for providing credit facilities. Key Words: Poverty Pockets; Communities; Urban; Livelihood DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/bj.v1i1.5142 Banking Journal Vol.1(1) 2011: 29-45


evacuation of blood occurred at a time when I was in great pain and already despaired of, I might even have died from suppuration. As it was, it was this that saved me, the evacuation of blood. To prove that in this too I am telling the truth, and that I was subjected to illness such as to reduce me to a desperate condition, as a result of the blows I received from these men, read the doctor’s deposition and that of the people who visited me. Depositions [13] So the fact that the blows I received were not slight or insignificant but that I found myself in extreme danger because of the outrageous behaviour and the violence of these people, and so the action I have brought is far less serious than they deserve, this has I think been made clear to you on many counts. And I imagine that some of you are wondering what on earth Konon will dare to say in reply to this. Now I want to warn you about the argument I am informed he has contrived; he will attempt to divert the issue away from the outrage of what was done and reduce it to laughter and ridicule. [14] And he will say that there are many individuals in the city, the sons of decent men, who in the playful manner of young people have given themselves titles, and they call some ‘Ithyphallics’, others ‘Down-and-outs’; that some of them love courtesans and have often suffered and inflicted blows over a courtesan, and that this is the way of young people. As for my brothers and myself, he will misrepresent all of us as drunken and violent but also as unreasonable and vindictive. [15] Personally, judges, though I have been angered by the treatment I have received, my indignation and feeling of having been outraged would be no less, if I may say so, if these statements about us by Konon here are regarded as the truth and your ignorance is such that each man is taken for whatever he claims or his neighbour alleges him to be, and decent men get no benefit at all from their normal life and habits. [16] We have not been seen either drunk or behaving violently by anyone in the world, nor do we think we are behaving unreasonably if we demand to receive satisfaction under the laws for the wrongs done to us. We agree that his sons are ‘Ithyphallics’ and ‘Down-and-outs’, and I for my part pray to the gods that this and all else of the sort may recoil upon Konon and his sons. [17] For these are the men who initiate each other into the rites of Ithyphallos and commit the sort of acts which decent people find it deeply shameful even to speak of, let alone do.

2002 ◽  
pp. 96-96

1975 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-134
Author(s):  
Donald Brieland
Keyword(s):  

1975 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 453
Author(s):  
David Gottlieb ◽  
Alvin L. Schorr
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
M. M. Basimov

Introduction. The article discusses comparative psychograms of groups of respondents. They are formed on the basis of 9 their reasons for non-participation in political life.Materials and Methods. For analysis (120 respondents, 2 sociological questionnaires, 6 personality tests), we use the author's method of multiple comparison (generalized version). As a result, the summ extremeness of these 9 groups were determined within the framework of a problem in which 89 groups were compared.Results. Based on the summ extremeness of personal qualities for three groups of high extremeness, full psychograms are given. These are groups whose respondents: 1) were at a loss to answer why they are not taking part in political life; 2) due to personal employment do not participate in political life; 3) do not take part in political life because they trust the president and believe that he will solve all problems. For next gruops on the extremeness (3 groups), abbreviated psychograms are considered, in which only pronounced personal qualities are indicated. These are groups whose respondents: 1) do not participate in political life because politics is a “dirty business” and decent people have nothing to do there; 2) they do not see leaders whom they could follow, and therefore do not take part in political life; 3) do not participate in political life because, in their opinion, professionals should deal with politics. For the remaining three groups, in which no pronounced personal qualities were revealed (the picture quite averaged over the whole of 89 groups), only their names are listed for reasons of non-participation of their representatives in political life.Discussion and Conclusions. As a result, we can conclude that the reasons for the non-participation of respondents in political life are largely determined by their psychological identity.


2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-96
Author(s):  
Claire Brett

Ben Rich, J.D., Ph.D., presents a scholarly, passionate view of the ethics of the “barriers to effective pain management.” His manuscript is detailed, analytical, and compassionate. No reasonable sensitive person, especially a physician committed to caring for patients, can disagree with the proposal that human beings should have their physical, emotional, and spiritual pain tended to aggressively, meticulously, and compassionately. Similarly, the same individuals advocating for such pain management would agree that no one should go to jail unless he or she is guilty of a serious crime, that decent people should not be robbed or murdered, that children should not be hungry or homeless, and that all citizens of the United States deserve healthcare. Our society attempts to achieve these goals. Laws are written, discussed, and approved by state and federal congresses, voted on by citizens, and theoretically upheld by the courts, churches, and decent individuals. But, unless the world suddenly becomes inhabited by virtuous, ethical humans who can unfailingly differentiate “good” from “bad,” then, in spite of an abundance of laws and lawyers, doctors, and nurses, this world will continue to have pain and suffering. And, although we want to hold our doctors, politicians, educators, champion athletes, and others to “higher standards” than the average citizen, it is best to remind ourselves frequently that all humans can be weak and are bound to make imprecise judgments, that there is not a homogenous definition of “good,” that values and religious beliefs are variable.


2006 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flavia Fiorucci

An analysis of Peronism constitutes an obligatory point of departure of any study of Argentina’s history since 1945. The advancement of the popular masses toward the Plaza de Mayo on 17 October 1945, clamoring for their new leader (the Colonel Juan Domingo Perón) inaugurated a new era for this nation. For some, especially for those who marched on that day, it represented the beginning of a period of hope. For others, those who looked with stupor at the crowds “invading” the city, this was the start of a decade of undemocratic practices and populist pseudo-fascist reforms. Perón’s rise to the presidency in 1946 would find the majority of the Argentine intelligentsia in the ranks of the opposition. The intellectuals were particularly worried by the emergence of this political movement which, in their eyes, was a combination of a local incarnation of European fascism and the ‘barbaric’ regime of the caudillo Juan Manuel de Rosas. In 1956, the writer Ezequiel Martínez Estrada summarized the horror that this march signified for the “decent people.” He declared it the threat of a “San Bartolomé del Barrio Norte” (an affluent neighborhood in Buenos Aires) and characterized the Peronists as “those sinister demons of the plains which Sarmiento described in El Facundo.” In his description Perón was depicted as a local Franco, a Mussolini or a Hitler. Only those intellectuals who defended different versions of local nationalism joined the enterprise of the colonel-turned-popular-politician and put their hopes in him.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joy Samad

The Hipparchus features a conversation between Socrates and an un-named companion, at an unknown time and place, about gain (or profit) and whether we should in any way limit our pursuit of gain. Socrates argues intransigently that we should not place any limits on our pursuit of gain, while the companion, despite being unable to counter his arguments, is equally firm in his rejection of Socrates’ moral position. The dialogue thus shows the strength of the conviction, in the souls of decent people, that unrestrained pursuit of the good things is not good for you. This conviction exists prior to calculation, and the action of the dialogue thereby testifies to the existence of man’s natural conscience.


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