scholarly journals Stability, Ambiguity and Change in the Discourses of NATO allies in the Black Sea region: The Cases of Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (80) ◽  
pp. 187-209
Author(s):  
Valentin Naumescu

AbstractShortly after the Crimea crisis of March 2014, NATO started a process of strategic reflection and a series of actions under the umbrella of the ‘Pivot to East’. On the South of its Eastern flank, the Black Sea region looms as one of the most unstable areas, with a number of frozen conflicts in non-NATO countries as well as an increasing unrest overall. This article explores the political discourses, commitments and attitudes towards NATO of the three allies at the Black Sea, namely Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as exploring their role in regional security. The purpose of the research is to compare NATO’s representation in the mainstream politics of these countries. Based on discourse analysis and the comparative method, the paper examines to what extent stability, ambiguity and change are present in the Southeast allies’ discourses on NATO.

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
OLEG V. Donetsk National University ◽  

Basing on a constructivist approach to international relations and foreign policy, the author has defined the conceptual content of the script, in which the experts of the Ukrainian National Institute for Strategic Studies imagine Crimea and the Black Sea region. The study was carried out on the basis of the materials of the Institute's analytical reports to the messages of the President to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2014-2018. It was found that the ideas about Crimea contained in them are extremely mythologized: in the political picture of the world of the Institute's experts, the peninsula is considered as a “Russian bridgehead”, a source of “military threat" and an "occupied territory". Ukrainian experts are convinced that the motives of Russia's foreign and defense policy in the Black Sea direction are allegedly due to its desire for "expansion", "imperial policy" and the desire to "restore the Soviet Union." They perceive the reunification of Crimea with Russia as an event that led to a cardinal transformation of the geopolitical space of the Black Sea region that contradicts Ukrainian national interests. At the same time, on rational grounds, the institute is actively searching for conceptual approaches to organizing a new regional security system and creating a long-term, broad and durable alliance of anti-Russian forces, which could act as a NATO parallel structure in the Black Sea region in the future. Moreover, Ukrainian experts do not have any own geopolitical project or idea on this. They are considering several options for regional coalitions at once, paying special attention to the Polish concept of "Intermarium", which consists in creating a block of Baltic-Black Sea states.


Author(s):  
E. D. Eshba

Throughout the history The Black Sea region attracted attention of both regional states and those lying far beyond its borders . One of the main reasons for increased attention to the Black Sea coast is its transit location : it is crossed by transport routes connecting the West with the states of Central Asia and Transcaucasia that are rich by hydrocarbon resources . A large-scale and fairly ambitious gas pipeline projects that are scheduled to take place on the territory of the Black Sea countries and across the Black Sea lead us to expect the increasing role of the Black Sea region in the world economic system. In this regard, the author brings to light the problem of the main stages of the development of cooperation among the Black Sea countries be means of analysis of the most successful attempts at regional cooperation. Special attention is paid to the policy of Turkey in the Black Sea and on the interactions of two major regional actors (Russia and Turkey) . In addition, the work highlights the most promising areas of transport, logistics , trade and economic development of the region , including the project of ring highway around the Black Sea, as well as prospects for the intensification of maritime transport and the development of new marine transportation routes. To summarize, the author concludes that , despite the development of cooperation in the region , there are problems in the formation of a comprehensive system of regional security and cooperation, so as major obstacles to the successful implementation of the plan of cooperation in the Black Sea region still remain .


2018 ◽  
Vol 931 ◽  
pp. 790-796
Author(s):  
Viktoria V. Pishchulina

A one-apsidal hall church is always a reflection of so-called “vulgar” Christianity, thus revealing the important peculiarities of the spatial culture of the region where it is erected. In this region we can mark two periods when such temples were built: VI-VII c. and X-XII c. The first period is associated with the missionary activity by Byzantine Empire, Antioch, Caucasian Albania which was conditioned by both geopolitical interests (Byzantian Empire, Antioch) and the shift of The Great Silk Way to the north (Caucasian Albania). The second, as the research has shown, is connected with the migration of the peoples of Abkhazia, the abzakhs to this territory in the XII-XIII c. and the development of contacts with the Crimea. In the North Black Sea Region the one-apsidal hall church appears as early as in the VI c. – in the territory of Abkhazia we know about ten such temples. The temples of this type in the area of Big Sochi are dated back to the VII-VIII c. In the first Abhzaian temples we can reveal the influence of denominational centers – Byzantian Empire, Antioch, Caucasian Albania. In the temples of the Black Sea coast of both periods – introduction of the samples from Abkhazia.


Author(s):  
Vodotyka S. ◽  
Robak I.

The article is devoted to reviewing the book by the well-known Turkish historian İlber Ortaylı "Ottomans on Three Continents". The authors consistently analyze the main postulates of the work in the history of Ottoman possessions in the Crimea and the Northern Black Sea region, focusing on the role of the Ottoman Empire in the interaction of Black Sea civilizations in the late Middle Ages and early modern times.The authors prove that the history of the Ottoman Empire is essential for understanding the history of Ukraine. Ottoman influences significantly impacted the history of the Ukrainian people and other indigenous peoples of Ukraine – Crimean Tatars, Karaites and Krymchaks, Crimean Greeks.The authors agree with the thesis of the Turkish researcher about the significant and sometimes decisive influence of the Ottomans on the situation in the Black Sea region in the XV–XVIII centuries. Furthermore, the authors express their views on certain statements of the book. In particular, İlber Ortaylı proves that the Ottoman Empire was a "state of the Middle Eastern Islamic type". Its presence in the Black Sea resulted in the interaction of Islamic Mediterranean civilization with Eastern European Orthodoxy and Ukraine were at the centre of this interaction. However, the authors cannot agree with the historian's statement about the primary basis of the empire – the system of the state, especially military, slavery (devshirme). It allowed to creation of a vast empire, The Sublime or Ottoman Porte. However, slavery could not create social mechanisms of progress. The civilizational basis of the Ottoman Empire was its steppe, Turkic-steppe, essence.In the Ottoman Empire, Western modernization borrowings were superficial, served utilitarian-pragmatic purposes, and did not change the foundations of civilization. Such selectable reforms were the reason why the Omans lost their possessions in the Crimea and the Northern Black Sea region to the Russian Empire in the eighteenth century. Significantly, both empires claim the imperial, not civilizational, heritage of the Roman Empire. The intelligence emphasizes that these claims are not sufficiently substantiated.Key words: İlber Ortaylı, Ottoman Empire, heritage, history of Ukraine, Northern Black Sea Coast, Crimea. Стаття присвячена огляду-рецензії книги відомого турецького історика Ільбера Ортайли «Османи на трьох континентах». Автори послідовно проаналізували основні постулати праці в координатах історії османських володінь в Криму і Північному Причорномор’ї, приділивши головну увагу ролі Османської імперії у взаємодії цивілізацій Чорномор’я у періоди пізнього середньовіччя і раннього модерного часу.Доведено, що історія Османської імперії має важливе значення для розуміння історії України. Османські впливи відіграли значну роль в історії українського народу та інших корінних народів України – кримських татар, караїмів і кримчаків, кримських греків.Автори погоджуються з тезою турецького дослідника про значний, а часом визначальний, вплив Османів на ситуацію у Чорномор’ї у ХV–ХVІІІ ст. та висловлюють свої міркування щодо окремих положень праці. Зокрема, І. Ортайли кваліфіковано доводить, що Османська імперія була «державою близькосхідно-ісламського типу» і її присутність у Чорномор’ї мала наслідком взаємодію ісламської середземноморської цивілізації зі східноєвропейською православною, причому Україна знаходилась у центрі цієї взаємодії. Однак, не можна погодитись з твердженням історика щодо головної основи імперії – системи державного, передусім військового, рабства (девшірме). Вона дозволило створити величезну імперію, Сяючу Порту, але рабство не може створити суспільних механізмів поступу. Цивілізаційною основою Османської імперії стала її степова, тюрксько-степова, сутність. В Османській імперії західні модернізаційні запозичення були поверховими, служили утилітарно-прагматичним цілям і не змінювали цивілізаційних основ. Власне це і стало основною причиною того, що у ХVІІІ ст. Омани втратили свої володіння в Криму і Північному Причорномор’ї, які дістались Російській імперії. Показово, що обидві імперії висувають претензії на імперську, а не цивілізаційну, спадщину Римської імперії. У розвідці наголошується, що ці претензії не є достатньо обґрунтованими. Ключові слова: І. Ортайли, Османська імперія, спадщина, історія України, Північне Причорномор’я, Крим.


Author(s):  
D. Abramov

Автор продолжает серию статей по этнической и конфессиональной истории Причерноморья. Крым и Таманский полуостров издревле для многих народов были олицетворением единения Европы и Азии. Именно отсюда началось приобщение народов Восточной Европы к христианству. Именно здесь в VIII-IX вв. разворачивалось острое противостояние между готами-христианами и хазарами-иудеями. Все эти процессы запечатлены в памятниках архитектуры и археологии, объектах историко-культурного наследия.The author continues a series of articles on the ethnic and confessional history of the Black Sea region. For centuries, the Crimea and the Taman Peninsula have represented for many peoples the unity of Europe and Asia. This is where the introduction of the peoples of Eastern Europe to Christianity began. This is where in the VIII-IX centuries a sharp confrontation between the Christian Goths and the Khazars-Jews took place. All the processes are reflected in monuments of architecture and archeology, objects of historical and cultural heritage.


2022 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Ioan Gabriel Moise ◽  
Edith-Hilde Kaiter

From ancient times the dominion of the seas has been a condition for gaining power and influence, and the position of a state near a sea has been an advantage for both its development and the neighboring region.           Due to its geographical position, the Black Sea is a region of great importance for all actors claiming leading positions in the world hierarchy and the intensification of economic relations between the states of the region after the end of the Soviet monopoly and its connection to the world market generated auspices for a new cycle development and regional prosperity.         The relocation of the EU border to the Black Sea, along with the integration of Romania and Bulgaria, brings in many economic benefits, given its dependence on oil imports, but its expansion, like that of NATO, does not only mean benefits. The EU and NATO must also take on vulnerabilities in the area, such as underperforming economies, arms, drug and human trafficking, illegal immigration or frozen conflicts, and thus try to help stabilize the region. In recent years, the military has not only played a destabilizing role, but has made a decisive contribution to ensuring the security of the Black Sea region. In this sense, the military naval forces of the riparian countries, including Romania, had a special role. Through the wide range of missions in which the Romanian Naval Forces participate in the Danubian-Pontic space, both internally and externally, in cooperation with the states bordering the Black Sea and with the NATO member states, Romania contributes to the promotion of regional security and stability. The naval diplomacy actions carried out in the last thirty years thus reveal not only the role and purpose of the Romanian Naval Forces within NATO in the actions of maintaining and consolidating good relations with the states bordering the Black Sea, as well as maintaining security with allies in the distant maritime districts. They also point out that naval diplomacy has contributed to the expression of foreign policy in different areas and with means that have increased its effect, impact and efficiency.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 540-559
Author(s):  
Denis V. Konkin

When the Crimea acquired the status of Russian territory in 1783, it became an imperial ‘borderland’ a long way from Saint Petersburg. However, in the geopolitical aspirations of European powers, and, also, from the viewpoint of the Russian Empire, the Crimea was not a remote periphery. The Russian government consistently sought to attract colonists from abroad to the thinly-populated Black Sea region. Several attempts to do so ended in failure; one of these was the organization of farming colonies at the Sea of Azov for French royalist emigrants and military men from Condé’s army. In the era of Napoleon, France paid particular attention to the peninsula; in the complicated foreign policy conditions, France did not miss any opportunity to reconnoitre the internal situation of this potentially unstable province of Russia, with the goal to infl uence the position of the Ottomans towards this territory which at that time was largely populated by Muslims. The author emphasizes that an important aspect of Napoleon’s foreign policy was supporting anti-Russian sentiment in the Ottoman Empire. One of the obvious means to achieve this goal was focusing on the Crimea issue and promising assistance for returning the peninsula into the Ottoman sphere of infl uence. The Russian authorities did not neglect these attempts and countered them skilfully. The author argues that the success of Russia’s policy in the Crimea was mainly related to certain Frenchmen in Russian service. During the Russian-Ottoman confl ict of 1806-1812, the military and administrative measures conducted by Armand de Richelieu, the Governor of New Russia, and Jean de Traversay, the commander of the Black Sea Navy, became an important factor for providing a stable situation within the peninsula.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Zhiltsov

In the last decade, the geopolitical situation in the Black Sea region is changing rapidly.The Black Sea states become members of various organizations, and new pipeline projects arebeing implemented, which create a new framework for interstate relations. An active policy iscarried out by Western countries, which seek to establish themselves on the Black Sea as thedominant force. These processes occur against the background of domestic political changesin the countries of the region, which has a direct impact on bilateral relations both between theBlack Sea states and their level of cooperation with extraregional actors.Russia’s relations with a number of Black Sea states are emerging in a new way. In recent years,the nature of interstate relations with Ukraine has changed dramatically. Kiev set a coursefor the aggravation of bilateral Russian-Ukrainian relations by defiantly expanding its foreignpolicy towards the West. The Crimea’s joining Russia as well as issues related to the Crimean-Tatar population are constantly raised by the Ukrainian side. Kiev deliberately provokesaggravation of relations in the Black Sea by relying on political and informational support fromthe EU and the USA.Despite the difficult international conditions, Russia managed to build a balanced policy towardsTurkey. Energy cooperation, trade and economic cooperation and regional security issues areimportant components of the Russian policy towards Turkey. At the same time, the Russian sidemust take into account the discrepancy between the interests of the two countries in the BlackSea region, and Ankara’s desire to use relations with Kiev and other Black Sea states to promoteits long-term interests.The Russian foreign policy has achieved some success in maintaining the country’s position inthe Black Sea region. Russian interests are based on the military-political potential, as well aseconomic mechanisms. Russian policy is aimed at minimizing the negative effects of influencein the region of Western states, and expanding political and economic cooperation with the BlackSea countries. However, the Russian side has failed to achieve a radical change in the improvement of relations with Bulgaria, which is a member of the EU and NATO. There are difficulties in the political dialogue with Romania, as well. Domestic political events in those countries, and their desire to follow Western countries and plans to join NATO have a strong influence on relations with Georgia and Ukraine. Nevertheless, the positions formed by Russia allow us to count on the protection of its interests and the preservation of influence in the Black Sea region.


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