scholarly journals Strategic Autonomy of the EU and Problems of Formation of the Foreign Policy Agenda in the Time of the Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (6) ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Igor Shcherbak ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Security ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Economic Resilience ◽  
Human Rights Protection ◽  
Modern System ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Strategic Autonomy ◽  
The Eu

The article explores the evolution of the EU Strategic Autonomy concept in the context of COVID-19 and the search by the EU for its global role in the modern system of changing international relations. The author underlines that the coronavirus pandemic accelerated transformation of Strategic Autonomy into a complex and flexible instrument, which covers practically all the EU foreign and internal policy priorities, starting from overcoming negative socio-economic impact of COVID-19 and securing the EU “health sovereignty”, achieving autonomy in development of a new generation of IT technologies and artificial intelligence to effective defence, resolution of ecological and migration issues, modern crisis management in global and regional aspects. It is argued that the Strategic Autonomy is used by the EU as a powerful driver for strengthening political unity and solidarity of the EU, increasing effectiveness of political decision-making process and harmonization of coordination management inside the EU. Special attention is paid to the priorities and goals of the EU foreign policy’s agenda for short-term and long-term perspectives. Some for cast is given concerning the strategic relations of the EU with China, Russia, USA and the UN system. Key aspects of the EU strategy on crisis regulation and international security are also described. The author envisages that in the long-term perspectives the EU continues to deepen strategic partnership with the UN in order to increase its influence on the UN system's institutional reforms in the spheres of international security, prevention of conflicts, economic resilience, development of democracy and human rights, protection of environment. The article also outlines the issue of the EU’s international partner selection in light of the Strategic Autonomy and the volatile conditions of the modern system of international relations and rising competition for global influence among key world powers.

scholarly journals The EU’s cybersecurity: a strategic narrative of a cyber power or a confusing policy for a local common market?

2021 ◽  
pp. 29-71
Author(s):  
Agnes Kasper ◽  
Vlad Vernygora
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Narrative Theory ◽  
International Security ◽  
Common Market ◽  
Policy Area ◽  
Strategic Issue ◽  
Actual Effectiveness ◽  
Strategic Autonomy ◽  
The Eu

In the last decade, cybersecurity has swiftly turned into a strategic issue and became an important horizontal policy area in the EU, which is treated in this article as one of the four contemporary political empires. These days, the policy arguably encompasses both internal and external aspects, often making it difficult to assess the level of its actual effectiveness as well as outreach. Initially, the EU’s introverted vision on the issue drove the policy to focus on cyber resilience and strategic autonomy. Evidently, the EU’s strategic narrative that could assist it in leading the process of creating an open, free, stable and secure cyberspace in the digital decade, in the context of international security, is emerging. Thus, this contribution is to test the argument that the EU, utilizing an imperial paradigm (consciously or not), is gradually becoming a global steering power in cybersecurity. In this article, firstly, we identify and examine the process of formation of the EU’s narratives about (its) cyber power. Secondly, we establish a discussion framework to highlight the methodological relevance of the imperial paradigm, cyber power Europe and Strategic Narrative Theory for a multidisciplinary debate on global geo-strategic redesign, in which the EU takes part. Thirdly, we look into bilateral and multilateral forums and processes that deal with cybersecurity and in which the EU participates, in order to understand more specifically how the EU is projecting its cyber-power narratives internationally and how cybersecurity-associated challenges impact current dynamics in other policy domains in the field of international relations. Recibido: 20 noviembre 2020Aceptado: 18 mayo 2021

scholarly journals Pandemics, Climate and Public Finance

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Battiston ◽  
Monica Billio ◽  
Irene Monasterolo
Keyword(s):  
Financial Stability ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Economic Resilience ◽  
Taxation Policy ◽  
Containment Measures ◽  
Socio Economic Impact ◽  
Business As Usual ◽  
The Eu

The outbreak of COVID-19 and the containment measures are having an unprecedented socio-economic impact in the European Union (EU) and elsewhere. The policies introduced so far in the EU countries promote a ‘business as usual’ economic recovery. This short-term strategy may jeopardise the mid-to-long-term sustainability and financial stability objectives. In contrast, strengthening the socio-economic resilience against future pandemics, as well as other shocks, calls for recovery measures that are fully aligned to the objectives of the EU Green Deal and of the EU corporate taxation policy. Tackling these long-term objectives is not more costly than funding the current short-term measures. Remarkably, it may be the only way to build resilience to future crises.

scholarly journals The Pandemic and the Crisis in the System of International Relations

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
Al. A. Gromyko
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Competitive Advantages ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
Strategic Autonomy ◽  
The Eu

The research is focused on several key problems in the system of international relations influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is shown that the events caused by it and broadly identified as a coronacrisis have a direct impact on the world economic contradictions (pandenomica) and political ones, including the sphere of security. These particular aspects are chosen as the main objects of the research. The author contends that the factor of the pandemic has sharpened the competition between regional and global players and has increased the role of a nation- state. In the conditions of transregional deglobalisation, regionalism and “protectionism 2.0” get stronger under the banners of “strategic vulnerability” and “economic sovereignty”. A further weakening of multilateral international institutions continues. The EU endeavours to secure competitive advantages on the basis of relocalisation, industrial and digital policies and the Green Deal. The article highlights the deterioration in the relations among Russia, the US, the EU and China, the unfolding decoupling between Washington and its European allies, which stimulates the idea of the EU strategic autonomy. An urgent need for the deconfliction in Russia – NATO interaction is stated.

Unemployment as a threat to society – an analysis of the situation in Poland and selected countries of the European Union

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-282
Author(s):  
Tomasz Łachacz ◽  
Sylwester Zagulski
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Sex Education ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
And Migration ◽  
The Unemployed ◽  
The Eu

Unemployment is classified today as one of the main threats to society. The phenomenon affects the lives of individuals, the functioning of families and society and development of the state. It is often the source of other social problems such as poverty, violence, or social pathologies. The article presents the scale and nature of unemployment occurring after 1989 in Poland and in selected European Union countries, i.e. the Netherlands, Spain, Slovakia and Latvia. It attempts to show the characteristic trends of the phenomenon over a period of more than two decades. Examples from the European countries analysed show that the situation in the labour market and the approach to employment are radically different. Individual countries are characterised by very different unemployment rates, which reflect their different size, economic and demographic potential, or are associated with the tradition of employment. The existence of differences seems to be normal, but their scale may give rise to concern. A characteristic feature of unemployment in the period analysed is its regional diversity, both in Poland and in the whole of the European community. Important factors that determine the level of unemployment are age, sex, education and people’s qualifications. The effects of long-term unemployment are very painful for the whole of society. Such a situation can lead to, amongst others, poverty, societal antagonism, violence and migration. The latter is an issue that the whole of Europe is currently struggling with. The uncontrolled influx of immigrants, including those migrating for economic reasons, causes fear of losing their job among Europeans, which in turn translates into the radicalisation of society. A role of the state and the EU institutions is to create an effective mechanism for the protection and support of the unemployed. This is a prerequisite for Europeans to continue the project which is a common united Europe.

scholarly journals EUROPEAN UNION’S QUEST FOR STRATEGIC AUTONOMY AND BIDEN’S FOREIGN POLICY

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2/2021) ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
Milan Igrutinovic
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Year ◽  
Slow Recovery ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Strategic Autonomy ◽  
The Eu

Over the last decade the EU has faced challenges on numerous fronts: economic crisis and slow recovery, refugee crisis, terrorism, Brexit, lack of effectiveness of its foreign and security policy. In recent years, the EU has put new effort to define its purpose and standing in international relations, and it seeks to become strategically autonomous actor. That means an actor with the ability to set priorities and make decisions. As the role of the United States is still pre-eminent in the security of Europe, the EU-US relations have a special bearing on that EU’s ambition. In this paper we provide an overview of the relations between these two actors with the focus on the first year of Joseph Biden presidency, and we argue that through a complex interaction the EU will seek to define its policies independently of the United States, wishing to expand its space for maneuver and action.

scholarly journals Algerian-Russian Cooperation: True Strategic Partnership?

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-292
Author(s):  
Malek Mousli
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Common Values ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Global Problems ◽  
The Cold War

Formally, the Algerian-Russian partnership is labeled “strategic”. This research is providing the answer whether this relationship could be qualified as a “strategic partnership”. Firstly, through the “strategic partnership” concept analysis as a mechanism of modern international cooperation, and secondly, applying the defined elements of “strategic partnership” to the Algerian-Russian relations. The interstate strategic partnership is generally based on the following elements: long and distinguished historical relations, material factors such as strong economic and political relations in the long term, and non-material factors such as common values. By process-tracing some selected economic and political fields and issues of the Algerian-Russian relationship, this article reveals the significance of 2001 as a crucial point that has urged both Algiers and Moscow to significantly alter both their outlook on global politics and on each other. Moreover, distinguished historical lasting and steady ties are at the heart of Algeria's strategic partnership with Russia. The Algerian-Russian / Soviet relations have always been distinct and exemplary both during the War of Independence and during the Cold War or after. Algeria and Russia link a number of common values. These include commitment to democracy, pluralism, the rule of law, and respect for international law. Both countries also respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the partner states, promoting a more equitable and balanced system of international relations based on collective solution of global problems, the primacy of international law, and equal relations with the central coordinating role of the UN as the main organization governing international relations. This leads to the conclusion that cooperation between Algeria and Russia is both real and formally a “strategic partnership”.

scholarly journals Looking north or looking anywhere? Indo-Fijian international relations after the coups of May 2000 and December 2006

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eberhard Weber
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Pacific Islands ◽  
Hard Core ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Old Friends ◽  
The Eu

Between 1987 and 2006 Fiji experienced four coups in which Governments were overthrown by their military forces or parts of it. After the fourth coup in December 2006 old metropolitan friends such as Australia, New Zealand, the USA and the EU responded with travel sanctions, cancellation of military cooperation and frozen development assistance. When Fiji was politically isolated it fostered secondary political friendships of olden days and established new ones. The paper searches for evidence of Fiji’s agency to change the structure of its International Relations (IR) after the coup of 2000. Such relations were first shaped in Prime Minister Qarase’s ‘Look North’ policy, but following the coup of December 2006 Fiji’s IR took a new quality once political isolation was overcome and internal power stabilized. The paper concentrates on Indo- Fijian relations, which, however, are embedded in Fiji’s general effort to achieve greater independence from old friends by forcing new international relationships. Of particular interest in this context is, if Fiji’s political orientation after 2006 has just been a temporary necessity born out of political isolation or if Fiji’s policy of fostering South–South relations will remain a decisive element of the country’s foreign policy in the long term. To understand IR in the context of Fiji and India it is essential to look at both countries, their interests and agency. Looking at Fiji alone would leave the question unanswered, why Indian Governments had an interest to cooperate with the country in the Pacific Islands despite hard-core nationalist anti-Indian sentiments and politics pursued in Fiji after the coup of 2000. It also won’t be conclusive why India should be interested at all to foster high profile relations with a tiny country like Fiji in a situation when Indian governments were aiming at much higher goals.

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