scholarly journals European Left Party – a New Ghost of Communism to Europe

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union

The article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence and development of a new pan-European political Party of the European left in the political arena. Its forerunner was a Forum of the new European left, formed in 1991, close to the Communist and workers’ parties and the group «European United Left – Nordic Green Left» in the European Parliament, which emerged in 1995 through the merger of «Confederal Group of the European United Left» faction of environmentalists «Left-wing Green of the North». Many experts viewed these parties as a vestige of a bipolar world, and believed that with the collapse of the Soviet Union, they should finally disappear from the political arena of Europe, giving up the left flank to the socialists and social Democrats. However, European Communists and left-wing radicals demonstrated incredible political vitality and in the tenth years of the twentieth century in a number of EU countries (Greece, France, the Czech Republic) managed to bypass their opponents on the left flank. In 2004 a pan-European party of the European left was created, which is characterized by a commitment to unorthodox Communist and environmental values and a moderately eurosceptic view of the EU’s development prospects. In the last European elections in 2019, this party lost some ground, but nevertheless managed to maintain its small faction in the European Parliament. So today it is difficult to speak about prospects of the European left, although the strength of parties in Germany, Greece, Spain, France and other countries, as well as the weakening of the party of European socialists, gives us reasonable confidence in the fact that the radical left will be able to maintain its presence on the political stage of Europe in the next 10-15 years. The author of the article tried to identify the causes of this political force and its future prospects.

The Making of the 1976 Canada Cup: Power Plays, Hockey Diplomacy, and the Rise of Alan Eagleson

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Jay Scherer
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Ice Hockey ◽  
National Hockey League ◽  
The Political ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Government ◽  
Government Of Canada ◽  
The Cold War

In 1976, amidst a period of détente in the Cold War, the Government of Canada officially hosted an inaugural open-play invitational ice hockey tournament. A detailed narration of these events, pieced together from archival sources, allows scholars to understand the negotiations to prepare the political terrain for the event, including efforts to secure the official endorsement of the International Ice Hockey Federation for a tournament sponsored by the Government of Canada in exchange for Canada’s return to international competition in 1977; the participation of various countries and their respective hockey governing bodies, especially the Soviet Union, in an international tournament featuring professional players; and an agreement with the North American professional hockey cartels, especially the National Hockey League, to allow star players to participate in the event. The success of the 1976 Canada Cup accelerated the commodification and commercialization of hockey both in North America and globally—a process that was increasingly driven by the interests and aspirations of the National Hockey League. At the center of this history is one increasingly powerful—and avaricious—character: Alan Eagleson.

Reconciling the Irreconcilable? Left-Wing Ukrainian Nationalism and the Soviet Regime

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-354
Author(s):  
Christopher Gilley
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Regime ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Common Currency ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Great Famine ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Social ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThis article examines the attempts by left-wing Ukrainian nationalists to reconcile the seemingly irreconcilable: Ukrainian nationalism and Soviet socialism. It describes how leftist Ukrainian parties active during the Revolution and Civil War in Ukraine 1917–1921 advocated a soviet form of government. Exiled members of the two major Ukrainian parties, the Social Democrats and the Socialist Revolutionaries, then took this position further, arguing in favor of reconciliation with the Bolsheviks and a return to their homeland. After the Entente recognized Polish sovereignty over Eastern Galicia and Soviet Ukraine introduced a policy of Ukrainization in 1923, many West Ukrainian intellectuals took up this call. The Great Famine of 1932–1933 and the Bolsheviks’ purge of Ukrainian Communists and intellectuals all but ended the position. However, it was more the Soviet rejection of the Sovietophiles that ended Ukrainian Sovietophilism than any rejection of the Soviet Union by leftist Ukrainian nationalists. Thus, an examination of the Ukrainian Sovietophiles calls into question the accounts of the relationship between Ukrainian nationalism and the Soviet Union that have common currency in today’s Ukraine.

Peace Propaganda and Submarines: Soviet Policy toward Sweden and Northern Europe

1985 ◽  
Vol 481 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
INGMAR OLDBERG
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
Soviet Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Free Zone ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Stagnation ◽  
East West

Since the late 1970s, as part of an intensified peace propaganda campaign, the Soviet Union has sought to create a nuclear-free zone in Sweden and northern Europe. Simultaneously, it has increased its criticism of Sweden's defense, partly to offset the effects of Soviet submarine violations of Swedish waters. These violations have increased since the stranding of the U-137 in 1981 and have seriously impaired Soviet-Swedish relations. The Soviet leaders perceive new opportunities with the advent of the Social Democrats in Sweden, whose active foreign policy favors détente and disarmament rather than the arms race. Important factors in the background include growing East-West tension, with Soviet superiority in northern Europe, and the political and economic stagnation, militarization, and “KGB-ization” of Soviet society.

scholarly journals Looking back at the past: image of the Soviet Union in the politics of memory the parties (by the example of materials of elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the VI and VII convocations)

2021 ◽  
pp. 37-52
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Leonidovna Timshina
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Soviet History ◽  
The Soviet Union

Almost three decades have passed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union; however, there is still no unity towards its history – various political actors interpret it differently. Analysis is conducted on the politics of memory of the parties that participated in the last two election campaigns in reference to the Soviet period. The goal of article is to determine the parties with own politics of memory; assess the attitude of the political parties on the Soviet history as a whole and isolated key events; as well as describe experience of using the politics of memory in electoral cycle. The opposition parties – the CPRF, LDPR, Yabloko, PARNAS, and the Communists of Russia – most actively referred to the politics of memory. The center of political attention became the history of the Soviet period, to which different approaches were applied. The liberal parties criticized the USSR and advocated decommunization, while the left-wing parties notices only positive aspects in the Soviet history. The LDPR offered to separate the attitude towards the Soviet regime, and the attitude towards the state. Although the political parties have not fully fulfilled their potential as the actors of the politics of memory, the development of the own strategies of interpretation of history is traced clearly. The politics of memory may evolve into a separate vector of major party politics.

‘A Party of the Extreme Left’

2019 ◽  
pp. 169-206
Author(s):  
John Mulqueen
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Republican Movement

The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter subversion would be widely welcomed, he claimed. The Official movement’s leadership now openly endorsed the Soviets’ agenda. This chapter focuses on the Official IRA’s determination to build a political party that stayed close to the Soviet Union but opposed its support for the Provisionals’ ‘prison war’ – the campaign to restore ‘political status’ for newly-convicted paramilitary prisoners. Now advocating ‘peace, work and class politics’ as the solution to the northern crisis, the Official movement’s political creation, Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party (SFWP), abandoned the traditional left-wing republican ‘anti-imperialist’ position. Ironically, this involved the party analysing the situation in the north along the same lines as the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher.

Waiting for 2022: strategy and tactics of the French party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens»

2021 ◽  
pp. 212-234
Author(s):  
Galina Kaninskaya
Keyword(s):  
Political Ecology ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Fifth Republic ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Alternative Choice

Political ecology entered the history of the Fifth Republic in France relatively recently, since 1974, when the candidate of «The Greens» party R. Dumont took part in the first round of presidential elections. From that moment until the emergence of the modern party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens», political ecology went through several organizational stages, each with one of the most important issues for «The Greens» was the electoral strategy and tactics, invariably associated with positioning on the political scene. In essence, «The Greens» parties always face an alternative choice: to act in joint electoral lists with the socialists or to present their own autonomous lists at all levels of elections. With that, there is no doubt that French ecologists make up the left of the political spectrum. And for a long time, French ecologists were much more successful separately from the socialists in the European elections to the European Parliament (EP). The French «Greens» were particularly successful in the 2019 EP elections, after the creation in 2010 of a kind of «political cooperative» in the form of the party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens». The article is devoted to the situation in and political role of the French party «Europe. Ecology – The Greens» (EELV). The party's activity is analyzed since the European Parliament elections in 2019. The reasons for the success of the ecologist party in the municipal elections of 2020 and the results of the elections to the senate of the Fifth Republic on 27 th September, 2020 are also considered. An explanation is given for the phenomenon of the growing popularity of the ecological movement in contemporary France, it is shown what impact the problem of climate warming and problem of environment’s deterioration, and also what adjustments have the COVID-19 pandemic made on the electoral process. The article examines how the EELV is preparing to perform in the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections in 2022, examines the political programs of the main candidates, and assesses the prospects of the ecologist party for uniting «progressive forces» behind itself and its relationships with other left-wing parties within the framework of the «two concentric circles» tactic. Some doubts were expressed about EELV’s willingness to lead the highest echelons of power.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 609-611
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
German Federal Republic ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Military

During the summer of 1953, two questions of political importance to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization were raised. According to press reports, some NATO members felt that the Council should discuss the questions of Germany and of the policy which the west should adopt if the Soviet Union proposed full withdrawal of all foreign troops from Germany as a prelude to reunification. The eventual agreement, if any were reached, was not made known, but press reports indicated that there were several obstacles to such a discussion: 1) the German Federal Republic was not a member of NATO; 2) the United States did not want to consider publicly alternatives to the European Defense Community; 3) France opposed direct entrance of the German Federal Republic into NATO; and 4)other NATO members felt that the work of the organization should be first in the military, and eventually in the economic social and cultural fields but not in the political-diplomatic field.

scholarly journals La République islamique d’Iran face à l’URSS (1979-1984) : Realpolitik ou répulsion?

2005 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-79
Author(s):  
Semih Vaner
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Internal Dynamics ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
External Pressures ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Blurred Image ◽  
Internal Policy

A few authors, while comparing the foreign policy of the Shah with that of khomeiny, have come to the conclusion either of a "total break" or, conversely, of a "continuity" with regard to the policy of Iran towards the Soviet Union. However, keeping only the Soviet Union in mind, but viewed from various levels in time and space, one can observe a break which derives from ideological incompatibility, then again a continuity which result s from some kind of realization of internal or external pressures. The fear arising from a threatening contiguity, the diplomatic isolation which followed the seizing of power in 1979, the pressure of political forces favourable to the USSR, the Kurdish minority in search of external allies, especially from the north, the ruinous war with Irak, the geopolitical constraints are such that the fundamentalists have not followed through their hostility to the end, in spite of its being fed by a series of historical resentments. The attitude of Iran towards the USSR still remains a real stake in its internal policy. The revolutionary turmoil has brought about a less blurred image of the USSR despite some confusion, an image once varied, then becoming apparently unified. The course of relations between Iran and the USSR depends to a great extent on the internal dynamics of the Iranian revolution, but also on the political evolution in the Middle East and on the new power struggle which could come about in that region.

Translation and Transformation: English-Language Children's Literature in (Soviet) Russian Guise

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs
Keyword(s):  
Children's Literature ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
English Language ◽  
Children’S Literature ◽  
Socialist Realism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophy Of Action ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Free Translation ◽  
Soviet Russia

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

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