Pakistan in 2014

Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-59
Author(s):  
Aqil Shah ◽  
Bushra Asif

A year after assuming power, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s government faced a political crisis fomented by the pro-military opposition leader Imran Khan, who mobilized his supporters to protest alleged electoral rigging in the 2013 poll. Khan had to call off the protests after the Pakistani Taliban’s grisly terrorist attack on an army-run school in retaliation for the army’s offensive against them in North Waziristan.

Significance He did not name a new prime minister. Over July 25-26, Saied dismissed Prime Minister Hicham Mechichi, dissolved his government, suspended parliament for 30 days, lifted parliamentary immunity and declared himself chief prosecutor, triggering Tunisia’s worst political crisis in a decade. Impacts The Ennahda party could be persecuted once again, this time on corruption charges, as the reconciliation offered excludes its members. Tunisia may become a new ideological battleground, pitting Turkey and Qatar against the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The EU, the United States and Algeria have some influence on Tunisia and could perhaps play a moderating role.


Balcanica ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 191-217
Author(s):  
Dragan Bakic

This paper analyses the role played by Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in Serbia?s politics and military effort during the First World War. He assumed the position of an heir-apparent somewhat suddenly in 1909, and then regency, after a political crisis that made his father King Peter I transfer his royal powers to Prince Alexander just days before the outbreak of the war. At the age of twenty-six, Alexander was going to lead his people and army through unprecedented horrors. The young Regent proved to be a proper soldier, who suffered personally, along with his troops, the agonising retreat through Albania in late 1915 and early 1916, and spared no effort to ensure the supplies for the exhausted rank and file of the army. He also proved to be a ruler of great personal ambitions and lack of regard for constitutional boundaries of his position. Alexander tried to be not just a formal commander-in-chief of his army, but also to take over operational command; he would eventually manage to appoint officers to his liking to the positions of the Chief of Staff and Army Minister. He also wanted to remove Nikola Pasic from premiership and facilitate the formation of a cabinet amenable to his wishes, but he did not proceed with this, as the Entente Powers supported the Prime Minister. Instead, Alexander joined forces with Pasic to eliminate the Black Hand organization, a group of officers hostile both to him and the Prime Minister, in the well-known show trial in Salonika in 1917. The victories of the Serbian army in 1918 at the Salonika front led to the liberation of Serbia and the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia), while Alexander emerged as the most powerful political factor in the new state.


2021 ◽  
pp. 173-188
Author(s):  
Reeta Chowdhari Tremblay ◽  
Namitha George

This chapter traces the history of Covid-19 in India and the government’s response. India has a long and tarnished history of reaching for emergency powers, which stretches back to the colonial period, in times of political crisis. Although India did not declare a formal constitutional emergency after its first reported case of Covid-19, within just under eight weeks, India went from “no health emergency” to a country-wide twenty-one-day lockdown. Despite a daily record jump in the number of deaths and cases each day since mid-March, India’s Ministry of Health, Family, and Welfare has consistently maintained a narrative that the growth rate of the Covid-19 cases in India has remained linear and not exponential; that its strict twenty-one-day lockdown, whose objective was preventive, has successfully slowed the spread of the virus; that India is “on the path of success and will win the war against the pandemic”; and that the two extensions of the lockdown should be considered an exit strategy. The chapter then discusses the policy instruments invoked to respond to the pandemic and examines some of the challenges and consequences resulting from them: the federal jurisdictional management of a pandemic, particularly in the treatment of informal migrant workers; and the reinforcement of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s populism and Hindutva majoritarian nationalism.


Leadership ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-132
Author(s):  
Keith Grint

Power, however defined, is something we usually consider as indelibly linked to leadership, as something all leaders and followers seek to obtain, retain, and deploy for good or ill, for themselves or others. But there are occasions when power might be something to avoid, especially when it comes tainted with deleterious consequences, rather like the Christian fable of the poisoned chalice. In this brief provocation, I provide examples where this is self-evident but often only in retrospect. Thus, the infamous ‘stab-in-the-back’ saw the German Social Democrats take power, just before the armistice was signed in 1918. At the time of writing (October 2019), the British are on the verge of a General Election and whoever wins, whoever becomes Prime Minister, will also be held responsible for the fallout from BREXIT – irrespective of their role in generating the political crisis; sometimes, it might be better not to seek power.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Ball

On 24 August 1931 the prime minister, Ramsay MacDonald, tendered the resignation of the second Labour government. In its place he became the premier of an all-party ‘National’ cabinet. This included both the leader of the Conservative party, Stanley Baldwin, and the acting-leader of the Liberal party, Sir Herbert Samuel, together with a number of their senior colleagues. This temporary emergency administration went on to win a landslide majority in the general election of October 1931, and to govern for the ensuing decade. The crisis which created the National government has proved to be of enduring fascination, as a result of its intrinsic interest as the major political crisis of the inter-war period and its profound consequences for subsequent British history. However, historical attention has been principally focused upon the problems of the Labour government, the decisions of Ramsay MacDonald, and the contribution of King George V. As a result the role of the Conservative party – often portrayed as having been the sole benefactor from these events – has been either neglected for its supposed passivity or misunderstood in its mood and intention.


Significance The governing Socialist Party (PSSh) under Prime Minister Edi Rama is expected to win again. This implies policy continuity by what has hitherto been a successful reformist government. However, the decision by the opposition Democratic Party (PDSh) to boycott the elections creates significant uncertainty about the process and aftermath. Impacts PDSh’s boycott of parliament is blocking the completion of judicial reforms that require approval by a two-thirds majority of deputies. A PDSh boycott of elections would constitute a failure of political institutions and halt Albania’s progress towards EU integration. Disenfranchising a large constituency would escalate the political crisis and could lead PDSh supporters to resort to violence.


Significance Parliament on June 16 ratified a new electoral law, averting the looming political crisis that threatened to leave the country without a legislature. Impacts New, non-sectarian political movements could launch street protests against the law, as they plan a strategy for the 2018 elections. Redistricting could incentivise collaboration between the larger Christian parties. Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri will try to boost his re-election prospects through improved government performance. Border security, Syrian refugee fears, infrastructure spending and rubbish collection will be key areas of focus. Only a major regional crisis such as war between Israel and Hezbollah would be sufficient to postpone elections again.


Author(s):  
E. V. Koldunova

The article focuses on socio-political activism, main features of socio-political contradictions and the couses of the recent social protests in Thailand. Thailand has the longest democratic tradition among ther countries of South-east Asia. Yetbackin 1932 the country has changed the absoulute monarchy to a constitutional one. However in the XXth century Thailand had lived through more than five decades of authoritarianism. The number of military coupd'etats which took place in Thailand now equals to almost twenty. At the same time, despite such a long authoritarian rule the country witnessed the formation of various elements of civil society. In the second part of the XX century the student protests of 1973–1976 became the most vivid example of civic activism. The social protest in Thailand reached its most active phase in the first decade of this century when the country splitted into two camps – one of thes-o-called «Red Shirts» and Another One of the «Yellow Shirts». The «Red Shirts» supported billionere Thaksin Shinawatra, a Prime Minister of Thaialnd in 2001–2006. The «Yellow Shirts» opposed him. Thet women tioned camps created new social movements – «People's Alliance for Democracy» («Yellow Shirts») and «United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship» («Red Shirts»). Since 2006 Thailand has seen several stages of the development of the social protest. The most recent one starte din November 2013 and end edin May 2014 when after more than half a year of mass meetings in the country's capital Bangkok the military took power again.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Siddiqi ◽  
Duncan Koerber

Background A photograph of Alan Kurdi, a Syrian boy found dead on a Turkish beach, sparked a major Canadian political crisis. During a federal election campaign, Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Chris Alexander responded quickly to the incorrect implication that the government’s immigration policies caused the boy’s death.Analysis This article analyzes the appropriateness of Harper’s and Alexander’s response strategies during the hours right after the crisis broke.Conclusion and implications This article argues that the politicians faced an unusual challenge because, although the government’s policies had not actually caused the crisis, government leaders had to respond as if they had. Harper and Alexander mostly followed best practices but shifted the blame to the greater refugee crisis, which came across as disingenuous. Contexte Une photo d’Alan Kurdi, le garçon syrien retrouvé mort sur une plage turque, a provoqué une crise politique au Canada. En pleine campagne électorale, le premier ministre Stephen Harper et le ministre de la Citoyenneté et de l’Immigration Chris Alexander ont vite répondu à la rumeur fautive voulant que les politiques d’immigration du gouvernement aient causé la mort de l’enfant.Analyse Cet article analyse la pertinence des stratégies de communication de Harper et d’Alexander dans les heures suivant le début de la crise.Conclusion et implications Cet article soutient que les deux politiciens avaient un défi singulier à relever, car même si les politiques gouvernementales n’avaient aucunement causé la crise, les leaders ont dû agir comme si elles l’avaient réellement causée. En gros, Harper et Alexander ont suivi les meilleures pratiques possibles, mais quand ils ont attribué la mort du petit garçon à la crise des réfugiés en général, ils ont paru insincères.


Subject Outlook for India-Pakistan ties. Significance The cross-border raid conducted on the night of September 28-29 by Indian security forces apparently inside Pakistan-held Kashmir in response to a terrorist attack in Kashmir represents a continuation of a newly assertive neighbourhood security policy by India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Pakistan has denied such a strike took place, claiming it was only a case of border firing. Impacts Another India-Pakistan war (although unlikely) would involve conventional weapons. Delhi's military move will virtually eliminate bilateral commercial and cultural ties. Beijing and Washington's leverage to prevent an escalation in South Asia may prove insufficient.


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