Unmetered

Author(s):  
Todd Decker

Post-Vietnam Hollywood combat filmmakers set aside the most common musical trope of earlier war movies: the military march. Instead, new musical tropes were developed, initially in the 1980s Vietnam cycle. A particularly unstable musical register, here called veil music, uses musical texture rather than melody or meter to expresses a range of equivocal combat states, most related to the foreignness of the battlefield for the American soldiers at the center of these films. In the Vietnam cycle, veil music is connected to moments of moral liminality, when surprising acts of violence might be done. Examples from Platoon and Full Metal Jacket are discussed. Veil music in war films set in the Middle East often characterize the Arab other by way of untranslated singing voices, putting exotic musical tropes to rather generalized uses characterizing the foreign other. Examples from The Hurt Locker, Black Hawk Down, and Three Kings are analyzed.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of Russian aspirations in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China- US strategic triangle on the implementation of current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and other regions of the world. The paper examines the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia- China-USA “strategic triangle”, proposes an approach to a comparative assessment of this influence, which allows identifying the priorities of Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, on The Middle East and other regions of the world. A comparative assessment of the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China-USA “strategic triangle” can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the military component of Russian policy occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current policy of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and in other regions of the world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (12) ◽  
pp. 126-149
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper assesses the impact of the middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the people's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on ensuring the national security of these countries. We propose an approach to comparing this influence, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the middle East and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country. It is concluded that the middle East component of the policy of the United States, China and Russia is gaining a significant role in the implementation of the current economic and military policies of the countries of the middle East region.


Author(s):  
Todd Decker

Having set aside the military march, serious post-Vietnam war films have explored other strongly metrical musics. Three World War II films have turned to triple-meter, or waltz-time, themes. Band of Brothers and Flags of Our Fathers alike use tuneful waltz-time music to support a sentimental transgenerational agenda linking fathers and sons. The Thin Red Line supports the philosophical ruminations of soldiers with a group of triple-meter melodies that create a zone of quiet reflection. Twenty-first-century war films use beat-driven music to excite the audience physically and also to characterize new sorts of soldierly action—such as work at a computer—as exciting combat action. Beat-driven combat film scores for Black Hawk Down, United 93, and Green Zone are compared. Finally, an extended combat sequence from The Thin Red Line scored to a stately ostinato musical cue is considered as an extreme case of music taking the place of diegetic sound.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-145
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Middle East component of the policy of the United States of America, the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing this influence is proposed, which allows us to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in the Middle East and other regions of the world. Compare the middle East policy of the States strategic triangle Russia – China – US can be used to justify recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.


Author(s):  
Simon James

Dura-Europos was a product and ultimately a victim of the interaction of Mediterranean- and Iranian-centred imperial powers in the Middle East which began with Alexander the Great’s conquest of the Achaemenid Persian empire in the later fourth century BC. Its nucleus was established as part of the military infrastructure and communications network of the Seleucid successor-state. It was expanding into a Greekstyle polis during the second century BC, as Seleucid control was being eroded from the east by expanding Arsacid Parthian power, and threatened from the west by the emergent imperial Roman republic. From the early first century BC, the Roman and Parthian empires formally established the Upper Euphrates as the boundary between their spheres of influence, and the last remnants of the Seleucid regime in Syria were soon eliminated. Crassus’ attempt to conquer Parthia ended in disaster at Carrhae in 53 BC, halting Roman ambitions to imitate Alexander for generations. The nominal boundary on the Upper Euphrates remained, although the political situation in the Middle East remained fluid. Rome long controlled the Levant largely indirectly, through client rulers of small states, only slowly establishing directly ruled provinces with Roman governors, a process mostly following establishment of the imperial regime around the turn of the millennia. However, some client states like Nabataea still existed in AD 100 (for overviews see Millar 1993; Ball 2000; Butcher 2003; Sartre 2005). The Middle Euphrates, in what is now eastern Syria, lay outside Roman control, although it is unclear to what extent Dura and its region—part of Mesopotamia, and Parapotamia on the west bank of the river—were effectively under Arsacid control before the later first century AD. For some decades, Armenia may have been the dominant regional power (Edwell 2013, 192–5; Kaizer 2017, 70). As the Roman empire increasingly crystallized into clearly defined, directly ruled provinces, the contrast with the very different Arsacid system became starker. The ‘Parthian empire’, the core of which comprised Iran and Mesopotamia with a western royal capital at Ctesiphon on the Tigris, was a much looser entity (Hauser 2012).


Itinerario ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-542
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Nwafor Mordi

AbstractThis study seeks to make an original contribution to the historiography of Africa and the Second World War. It examines the efforts of the Nigerian government and the British Army towards the welfare and comforts of Nigerian soldiers during their overseas services from 1940 to 1947. Their deployments in East Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia had brought the issue of their morale maintenance, namely comforts and welfare, to the fore. Extant Nigerian studies of the Second World War have been concerned with Nigerian contributions to Allied victory in terms of diverse economic exertions and those guided by charity towards Europeans affected by the German blitzkrieg, particularly in Britain. Consequently, this paper explains the genesis, objectives, and policy directions of the Nigerian Forces Comforts Fund and its impact on Nigerian servicemen's comforts and welfare. The study posits the argument that constant disagreements and indeed struggles for supremacy between the military and the civil power adversely affected troops’ comforts and welfare. Delayed postwar repatriation of the idle and bored troops to West Africa, in breach of openly proclaimed wartime promises, bred anxiety and made them prone to mutiny. The end of demobilisation in 1947 left many disgruntled ex-servicemen applying for reenlistment.


2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  

The incendiary image of German soldiers, serving as members of a proposed UN peace keeping force assigned to the Palestinian territories, formed the emotionally-charged and highly controversial backdrop to the Constitutional Court's recent consideration of the constitutionality of Germany's military/civil service obligation. The conflict in the Middle East aside, the military/civil service obligation has also emerged as a hot domestic issue as the campaign for the September federal elections catches its stride. Given this political climate it is hardly surprising that the Bundesverfassungsgericht (Federal Constitutional Court) opted to dismiss, on procedural grounds, two cases that posed distinct but related challenges to Germany's military/civil service obligation. It is, however, precisely the Court's explicit recognition of the politically-loaded nature of questions concerning Germany's military/civil service obligation that makes its decision in the first of the two cases remarkable.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brahim Saidy

Military cooperation is one of the most intriguing dimensions of the Qatari-US relationship. It has progressively evolved, driven by a changing geopolitical landscape and security threats in the Middle East. In fact, it has a significant impact on the overall bilateral relationship, especially economic ties. It rests upon four pillars: a bilateral defence agreement, the use of military facilities, arms sales and military-to-military contacts. This paper analyzes the development of the military relationship that exists between Washington and Doha and offers an assessment of the issues that animate it.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt Buehler ◽  
Mehdi Ayari

Why do autocrats retain some elites as core, long-term members of their ruling coalitions for years, while others are dismissed in months? How and why might the type of elites retained within coalitions vary across time and different autocrats? Although what constitutes an authoritarian regime’s ruling coalition varies across countries, often including the military and dominant parties, this article focuses on one critical subcomponent of it—an autocrat’s cabinet and his elite advisors within it, his ministers. Because coalitions function opaquely to prevent coups, scholars consider their inner-workings a black box. We shed light through an original, exhaustive dataset from the Middle East of all 212 ministers who advised Tunisian autocrats from independence until regime collapse (1956–2011). Extracting data from Arabic sources in Tunisian national archives, we track variation in minister retention to identify which elites autocrats made core, long-term advisors within ruling coalitions. Whereas Tunisia’s first autocrat retained elites as ministers due to biographical similarities, capacity to represent influential social groups, and competence, its second autocrat did not. He became more likely to dismiss types of elites retained under the first autocrat, purging his coalition of ministers perceived to be potential insider-threats due to their favored status under his predecessor.


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