Good-Bye to the Washington Consensus?

2003 ◽  
Vol 102 (661) ◽  
pp. 58-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Mahon

Latin Americans might have expected, after following the free-market economic policies of the ‘Washington consensus’ for a dozen years, that the region would have begun to savor the fruits of openness. But with some exceptions—notably Chile, Costa Rica, and much of Mexico—the fruit has turned out to be bitter, as economic openness appears to have accelerated social disintegration.

2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Marcus Kurtz

AbstractIf export orientation is a goal in a sustainable development strategy, this study argues that public interventions at the sectoral level in a variety of markets can produce economic reorientation that pursues international comparative advantage faster and at lower cost than free market forces can. Pervasive failures in information, credit, input, distribution, and insurance markets can render strictly market-based adjustment both slow and costly. Although Chile's export boom and high growth rates have been associated with its free market economic policies, this article, based on a comparison of the fruit, fish, and forestry sectors, contends that new forms of public intervention were crucial catalysts in shaping a sustained export response.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-436
Author(s):  
Timothy M. Gill

Many scholars assert that the U.S. state promotes free market economic policies abroad through the leverage it wields within international financial institutions (IFIs), such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Other scholars have focused on U.S. bilateral aid programs, such as those implemented by USAID, and their emphasis on free market economic policies. In many middle-income countries, though, IFIs and U.S. development agencies do not maintain economic development programs. If the U.S. state cannot promote free market policies through IFIs and its bilateral development agencies, how does it promote them at all in middle-income countries? In this paper, I provide a case study of U.S. foreign policy toward Venezuela, a middle-income country, under the government of President Hugo Chávez (1999–2013). I draw on interviews with U.S. state elites, including several former ambassadors and State Department employees, and U.S. state documents to show how the U.S. encourages free market economic reforms through its support for civil society organizations that embrace these reforms. In particular, I focus on the work of the Center for International Private Enterprise, which has explicitly linked political freedom with economic freedom. Through this organization, the U.S. works with free market think tanks and promotes free market initiatives, all in the form of political rather than economic assistance.


1995 ◽  
Vol 03 (02) ◽  
pp. 121-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
DOUGLAS ALLEN ◽  
SOMNATH BASU ◽  
CHIU-HUNG TSAI ◽  
MURRAY YOUNG

The transformation taking place in China's economy is simultaneously characterized by rapid growth (estimated at 13% in 1992 and 1993), movement toward a free market economic model, and the "opening" of China to active participation in and by the outside world. As these changes take place, managers in China are challenged to adopt new management practices. This paper briefly discusses three major challenges facing managers in China today: 1) enhancing customer orientation; 2) increasing effective utilization of human resources; and 3) development of financial information systems. The paper warns against the temptation to "clone" free market economic systems and management practices. Instead, Chinese managers and policy makers can selectively adopt "best practices" from around the world even as they retain selected Chinese management practices and economic policies which remain effective models from which the rest of the world may learn.


Author(s):  
Greta de Jong

This chapter describes the impact of free market economic policies on rural development in the 1980s and 1990s. Seeking to end excessive government interference in the economy, President Ronald Reagan cut taxes, weakened civil rights enforcement, and reduced funding for social programs that served low-income Americans. Reagan believed that private enterprise and market forces were the most efficient mechanisms for creating wealth and distributing resources. Such policies failed to address the problems facing unemployed and poor people in the rural South. At the turn of the twentieth century, the region was still plagued by unemployment, poverty, inadequate health care, substandard housing, and out-migration.


2004 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRUCE M. WILSON ◽  
JUAN CARLOS RODRÍGUEZ CORDERO ◽  
ROGER HANDBERG

‘Judicial independence is a means to a strong judicial institution, which is a means to personal liberty and prosperity.’ United States Supreme Court Justice Stephen G. Breyer.Starting in the 1980s, and accelerating through the 1990s, international financial institutions (IFIs), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and development agencies funnelled considerable resources into judicial reform and rule of law programmes in virtually every Latin American and Caribbean country. The assumption was that reformed court systems would foster free market economic development strategies. This article examines the impact of two frequently advocated aspects of judicial reform, judicial access and judicial independence, on economic policy making in Costa Rica. We argue that there is a potentially significant disjuncture between the sponsors' expectations of the judicial reforms' economic impact and the observed outcomes.


Temida ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Pam Alldred

This paper intends to describe the range of forms women?s resistance to globalisation takes, emphasising diverse strategies from everyday acts, the development of practical alternative resources, organising in women?s groups or trades unions, mass demonstrations and symbolic defiance. Recognising that it is the women of the South, in particular, who bear the brunt of the impact of neoliberal ?free market? economic policies, it hoped to be sensitive to the struggles for survival that might frame the urgency of resistance amongst women of the South, and make links with some of the strategies of activist women in the more privileged North.


Author(s):  
Maidul Islam

Close to the turn of the century and almost 45 years after Independence, India opened its doors to free-market liberalization. Although meant as the promise to a better economic tomorrow, three decades later, many feel betrayed by the economic changes ushered in by this new financial era. Here is a book that probes whether India’s economic reforms have aided the development of Indian Muslims who have historically been denied the fruits of economic development. Maidul Islam points out that in current political discourse, the ‘Muslim question’ in India is not articulated in terms of demands for equity. Instead, the political leadership camouflages real issues of backwardness, prejudice, and social exclusion with the rhetoric of identity and security. Historically informed, empirically grounded, and with robust analytical rigour, the book tries to explore connections between multiple forms of Muslim marginalization, the socio-economic realities facing the community, and the formation of modern Muslim identity in the country. At a time when post-liberalization economic policies have created economic inequality and joblessness for significant sections of the population including Muslims, the book proposes working towards a radical democratic deepening in India.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 333-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy Schwartzman

Configuring students as consumers and higher education as a commodity have been widely suggested as ways to empower students and improve efficiency. This critical autoethnography challenges the assumptions and implications of modeling education after free market economic principles. Personal perspectives on the promotion and tenure process, students confronting the marketplace, and exemplary mentoring accompany poetic reflections on market-infused university life.


2021 ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Dario Antiseri

In the development of science and of a democracy, competition represents the highest form of collaboration. The same applies in the free market economic system that supports political freedom and corresponds to the most secure source of extended welfare. However, Hayek warns that The «Great Society» is seriously threatened by the comeback of the social-ism’s «tribal ethic»: «the concept of ‘social justice’ has been the Trojan horse for the entrance of the totalitarism». By saying this, he does not deny the value of solidarity. The Great Society can allow itself to help those in need, and actually it must do it. Resumen. La competizione nello sviluppo della scienza e nella vita di una democrazia costituisce la piü alta forma di collaborazione, cosí come lo é nell’economia di mercato - sistema económico che sta a base delle liberta politiche e che é la fonte maggiormente sicura del piü esteso benessere. La Grande Societá, tuttavia, é seriamente minacciata - ammonisce Hayek - dalla riaffermazione dell»’etica tribale» del socialismo: «il concertó di ‘giustizia sociale’ é stato il cavallo di Troia tramite il quale ha fatto il suo ingresso il totalitarismo». Con ció Hayek non nega affatto il valore della solidarietá, in quanto la Grande Societá puó permettersi di aiutare i piü deboli e deve farlo.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Davis

The Labour Party’s socialism changed dramatically in the 1980s. Neil Kinnock’s restructuring of Labour occurred at the same time as the international socialist movement moved away from the statist model of economics and turned, in varying degrees, to more market-orientated ideas. This chapter assesses the ways in which Labour’s political thought adapted both to New Right realities and to the fact that much of world was adopting free market economic ideas. The particular focus here is the development of Kinnock’s ideas in light of the changes in Soviet socialism after Mikhail Gorbachev introduced his reform programme. The Soviet Union had long influenced Labour’s ideology in both positive and negative ways, and this chapter shows how it continued to do so in 1980s. It examines the relationship between Kinnock’s Labour and Gorbachev’s USSR, and it shows how the changes introduced by both leaders began to lead to a convergence of ideas between Eastern and Western European versions of socialism.


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