scholarly journals Friedrich A. von Hayek e il problema della solidarietà

2021 ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Dario Antiseri

In the development of science and of a democracy, competition represents the highest form of collaboration. The same applies in the free market economic system that supports political freedom and corresponds to the most secure source of extended welfare. However, Hayek warns that The «Great Society» is seriously threatened by the comeback of the social-ism’s «tribal ethic»: «the concept of ‘social justice’ has been the Trojan horse for the entrance of the totalitarism». By saying this, he does not deny the value of solidarity. The Great Society can allow itself to help those in need, and actually it must do it. Resumen. La competizione nello sviluppo della scienza e nella vita di una democrazia costituisce la piü alta forma di collaborazione, cosí come lo é nell’economia di mercato - sistema económico che sta a base delle liberta politiche e che é la fonte maggiormente sicura del piü esteso benessere. La Grande Societá, tuttavia, é seriamente minacciata - ammonisce Hayek - dalla riaffermazione dell»’etica tribale» del socialismo: «il concertó di ‘giustizia sociale’ é stato il cavallo di Troia tramite il quale ha fatto il suo ingresso il totalitarismo». Con ció Hayek non nega affatto il valore della solidarietá, in quanto la Grande Societá puó permettersi di aiutare i piü deboli e deve farlo.

1982 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 564-579 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Nettleship

Contemporaries and historians alike have regarded the 1880s as a watershed in Victorian thought. They have argued that before the 1880s the well-to-do held firmly to a belief in Political Economy and attributed economic success to the high moral character and hard work of the individual. By the 1880s these beliefs had begun to waver, and many who had themselves prospered from the new economic system began to question its assumptions and develop a sense of responsibility toward those beneath them in the social order. One institution which seems to represent this change is Toynbee Hall, the first English settlement house, founded in 1884. Headed by a middle-class clergyman, Samuel Barnett, staffed by well-educated and well-to-do volunteers and dedicated to bringing education and culture to the poor, it seems to be an example, par excellence, of the newly heightened middle-class social conscience typical of the 1880s.2 But close examination reveals that the origins of Toynbee Hall date back to the 1870s, to the broad church orientation and parish practices of Samuel Barnett. Rooted in his modest day-to-day pastoral work rather than in new concepts of social justice, Toynbee Hall raises the question of whether in fact the 1880s constitute a great divide in Victorian thought or a period of continuation, expansion and institutionalisation of earlier ideas and practices.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (9) ◽  
pp. 1623-1652
Author(s):  
Valerii K. ZAKHAROV

Subject. The article addresses the strengthening of economic sovereignty as a pressing challenge of modern Russia. Objectives. The aim is to consider the possibility of strengthening Russia's economic sovereignty by reconstructing the two-system harmony of its economy, which was completely destroyed in the 20th century. Methods. I developed a conception about the order of human existence that enabled to lay a foundation for nomology, an explanatory-prognosticative science about the ordering of human being (intermediate between social philosophy and some social and humane sciences). According to the conception, which rests on works by K.R.E. Hartmann on social philosophy and by C.G. Jung on social psychology, the present and future of human being is organized (reproduced and renewed) by the reflection of all past being in the social historical memory, both conscious and subconscious. This conception allows to find some historically adjusted balance between subjective wishes and objective opportunities, when defensing Russia’s national interests. Results. The paper considers deep psychosocial foundations of economic activity, proves that the society tends to harmony of egoism and altruism, shows that the sociopsychic two-code synthetical character of any activity of the society, as applied to the economic activity of an organized and managed society, generates a natural synthetization of planned and free market economic activity. Conclusions. Economic sovereignty can be strengthened by recreating the two-system harmony of Russia’s economy. I substantiate the main economic and management measures to be taken to recreate the planned economic system in addition to the free market economic system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-436
Author(s):  
Timothy M. Gill

Many scholars assert that the U.S. state promotes free market economic policies abroad through the leverage it wields within international financial institutions (IFIs), such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Other scholars have focused on U.S. bilateral aid programs, such as those implemented by USAID, and their emphasis on free market economic policies. In many middle-income countries, though, IFIs and U.S. development agencies do not maintain economic development programs. If the U.S. state cannot promote free market policies through IFIs and its bilateral development agencies, how does it promote them at all in middle-income countries? In this paper, I provide a case study of U.S. foreign policy toward Venezuela, a middle-income country, under the government of President Hugo Chávez (1999–2013). I draw on interviews with U.S. state elites, including several former ambassadors and State Department employees, and U.S. state documents to show how the U.S. encourages free market economic reforms through its support for civil society organizations that embrace these reforms. In particular, I focus on the work of the Center for International Private Enterprise, which has explicitly linked political freedom with economic freedom. Through this organization, the U.S. works with free market think tanks and promotes free market initiatives, all in the form of political rather than economic assistance.


Author(s):  
James Muldoon

This chapter proposes that Anton Pannekoek espoused a particular conception of freedom that is distinct from both the dominant liberal and republican views of liberty. Pannekoek understood political freedom as a political community’s ongoing struggle against forces of domination and the experimentation with new practices and structures of governance. I call this view of liberty ‘freedom as collective self-determination’. Pannekoek shared the concerns of republican political theorists for combatting structures of domination and the influence of foreign powers. Yet in contrast to most neo-Roman republicans, he identified the bureaucratic state and free market economic relations as two of the principal sources of domination in modern society. He also believed that democratic participation was essential rather than auxiliary to a proper understanding of freedom. To be free, for Pannekoek, meant to actively participate in a political community, to play some direct role in shaping its laws and character; and to influence the direction of its ongoing transformation. This was a conception in which freedom must be exercised rather than enjoyed as a state or condition. This view of freedom contributes an important perspective to our understanding of freedom understood as a practice and constant struggle, which is obscured by purely negative accounts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 49-72
Author(s):  
Dustin Nelson

Intellectual property (IP) rights represent an anomaly within a free market economic system. IP rights, that is, necessarily constrain the actions of individuals within the market. In response to this anomaly, IP scholars have offered various justifications for the application of such supposed constraints within a free market economy. Chief among these justifications is the widespread appeal to utilitarianism via incentivization. Yet, it is not exactly clear that this incentivization is actually producing the benefits required for the utilitarian justification. Rather than abandoning the IP system, however, some have simply suggested an alternative justification. These scholars argue that IP rights are actual, moral rights that deserve protection as moral rights. Further, scholars argue that any distributional inequality generated by the IP system are nonetheless justified under Rawls’s theory of justice. I argue, however, that Rawls’s theory of justice does cannot “justify” a selective, IP regime.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-28
Author(s):  
Sakirman Sakirman

The fragility of the economic system of capitalism and socialism makes the Islamic economic system into an alternative economic system and studied in depth by contemporary Islamic economic thinkers. In realizing Islamic economic system must be aligned with the maqasid al-shari'ah (goals sharia). There are four main approaches in the study of Islamic economics namely: a pragmatic approach, recitative, utopian and adaptive. Such an approach always leads to moral values, human brotherhood, social justice, integrating Islamic values and aims for the establishment of al-mashlahah as the core maqashid al-shari'ah can be used as an argument of the legal establishment, especially relating to Islamic economics. Ijtihad in Islam economy by using al-maslahah can be done by meeting certain requirements that do not conflict with al-Qur'an and al-Hadith and not contrary to qiyas. Besides, it does not conflict with a higher benefit, both in how to do it and in a way to preserve from extinction. Economic Ijtihad Islam implemented by analyzing the social and political realities and priorities (fiqh figh realities and priorities) in order to achieve the benefit of society and the state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Sakirman Sakirman

The fragility of the economic system of capitalism and socialism makes the Islamic economic system into an alternative economic system and studied in depth by contemporary Islamic economic thinkers. In realizing Islamic economic system must be aligned with the maqasid al-shari'ah (goals sharia). There are four main approaches in the study of Islamic economics namely: a pragmatic approach, recitative, utopian and adaptive. Such an approach always leads to moral values, human brotherhood, social justice, integrating Islamic values and aims for the establishment of al-mashlahah as the core maqashid al-shari'ah can be used as an argument of the legal establishment, especially relating to Islamic economics. Ijtihad in Islam economy by using al-maslahah can be done by meeting certain requirements that do not conflict with al-Qur'an and al-Hadith and not contrary to qiyas. Besides, it does not conflict with a higher benefit, both in how to do it and in a way to preserve from extinction. Economic Ijtihad Islam implemented by analyzing the social and political realities and priorities (fiqh figh realities and priorities) in order to achieve the benefit of society and the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (258) ◽  
pp. 376
Author(s):  
Jomar Ricardo da Silva

As alternativas ao modelo sócio-econômico de matizes neoliberais, imposto à sociedade brasileira como único caminho possível, têm sido um dos aspectos ausentes no que se refere às perspectivas das organizações da sociedade civil. Trata-se, neste artigo, de compreender as dimensões de força existentes em organizações sociais, revisitadas com novos paradigmas e possuidoras de potencialidades inexploradas de mudanças e resistências. Este trabalho, a partir das contribuições apresentadas por filósofos modernos de vertente contratualista sobre conceitos como mercado, Estado e comunidade, analisa a recorrência do princípio regulatório concernente a esta última, por pesquisadores contemporâneos, na atual fase do capitalismo, denominada de pós-modernidade, na tentativa de superar graves problemas sociais. Reavalia como as experiências das CEBs forneceram à sociedade um significativo impulso a esse desiderato emancipatório. Termina por considerar que as iniciativas econômicas, ao conjugar o mercado com os interesses comunitários, favorece o advento da inclusão e justiça social.Abstract: The alternatives in the social economic system, embedded in neoliberal features and imposed on the brazilian society as the only viable proposition, has been one of the absent aspects concerning the perspectives for the organizations of the civil society. Hence, this paper aims to investigate the force dimensions existing in the social organizations through new paradigms to find out unexplored potentialities of resistences and changes. Also, based on contributions on market, State, and community provided by contratualist philosophers from the modern Age, this study analyzes the recurrence to regulatory principles related to community in by contemporary researches in thecurrentphaseofcapitalism,calledpost-modernity,ontheattempttoovercome serious social problems. It reviews the experiences the CEBs provide to the society as a significative thrive to an emancipating goal. Finally, it considers that the economic initiatives combining with communitarian interests have contributed to inclusion upcoming and social justice.


2007 ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
B. Titov ◽  
I. Pilipenko ◽  
A. Danilov-Danilyan

The report considers how the state economic policy contributes to the national economic development in the midterm perspective. It analyzes main current economic problems of the Russian economy, i.e. low effectiveness of the social system, high dependence on export industries and natural resources, high monopolization and underdeveloped free market, as well as barriers that hinder non-recourse-based business development including high tax burden, skilled labor deficit and lack of investment capital. We propose a social-oriented market economy as the Russian economic model to achieve a sustainable economic growth in the long-term perspective. This model is based on people’s prosperity and therefore expanding domestic demand that stimulates the growth of domestic non-resource-based sector which in turn can accelerate annual GDP growth rates to 10-12%. To realize this model "Delovaya Rossiya" proposes a program that consists of a number of directions and key groups of measures covering priority national projects, tax, fiscal, monetary, innovative-industrial, trade and social policies.


Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>


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