scholarly journals Party-State Capitalism in China

2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (827) ◽  
pp. 207-213
Author(s):  
Margaret Pearson ◽  
Meg Rithmire ◽  
Kellee S. Tsai
Keyword(s):  
State Ownership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Political Survival ◽  
State Capitalism ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
Party Line ◽  
Foreign Governments ◽  
Foreign Corporations ◽  
Party State

China’s economic model, commonly described as “state capitalist,” is now better characterized as party-state capitalism, in which the political survival of the Communist Party trumps developmental goals. Its tools for managing the economy include not only state ownership and market interventions, but increasing use of party-state power to discipline private capital. China’s entrepreneurs are now expected to adhere to the party line, as are foreign corporations operating in the country. The shift is fueling a backlash from foreign governments that view the fusion of state and private interests in China as a threat to their own national security.

Sources of social support for China’s current political order: The “thick embeddedness” of private capital holders

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher A. McNally ◽  
Teresa Wright
Keyword(s):  
Social Support ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
The Political ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
Affective Components ◽  
Party State ◽  
Shed Light

In recent years, scholars have puzzled over the fact that China’s increased economic privatization and marketization since the early 1990s have not triggered a simultaneous advance in political liberalization. Many have sought to explain why – despite a marked upsurge in popular unrest – sources of social support for the political order have remained sizeable. Seeking to shed light on this debate, this article investigates the nature and implications of the political embeddedness of China’s private capital holders. The embeddedness of these individuals is “thick” in the sense that it encompasses an inter-twined amalgam of instrumental ties and affective links to the agents and institutions of the party-state. Thick embeddedness therefore incorporates personal links that bind private capital holders to the party-state through connections that are layered with reciprocal affective components. Such close relations work against the potential interest that private capital holders might have in leading or joining efforts to press for fundamental political liberalization. Drawing on these findings, the article places China’s economic and political development in comparative perspective, and lays out the most likely scenarios for China’s future.

Shaken or stirred? Terrorism and third-party state resolve in civil war interventions

2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-322
Author(s):  
Christopher Linebarger ◽  
Andrew J. Enterline ◽  
Steven R. Liebel
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Event History Analysis ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Survival ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Party State

Does terrorism against third-party state interveners affect their willingness to continue an intervention into a civil war? Drawing on research examining the impact of terrorism on partisanship, public opinion, and political survival, as well as the targeting of states by terrorists, we link terrorist attacks originating from a civil war state with an intervening state’s resolve to continue an ongoing military intervention into a civil war in support of the government. Terrorism can either undermine a third party’s resolve, because the political costs resulting from terror attacks are perceived to be larger than the national security benefits advertised in support of an intervention or it can fortify a third party’s resolve to continue an intervention because it produces a domestic rally effect that raises the political costs of early departure. Event history analysis of 127 interventions with military personnel into civil conflicts on the side of the government during the 1975–2005 period indicates that terrorist campaigns shake the resolve of third-party states and reduce time to their departure.

The Land Question in India

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony P. D’Costa ◽  
Achin Chakraborty
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Primitive Accumulation ◽  
Neoliberal Capitalism ◽  
Accumulation By Dispossession ◽  
Land Question

Since the mid-2000s, proliferating “land wars” have exposed a contradiction between the land requirements of neoliberal capitalism and the political weight of farmers in India’s democracy. Whether, how, and for whom this contradiction is resolved constitutes India’s “new” land question. But this chapter argues that Marx’s “primitive accumulation” or Harvey’s “accumulation by dispossession” are inadequate to understand this conjuncture; and it advances the concept of “regimes of dispossession” as an alternative. It argues that from the early 1990s, India shifted from a regime that dispossessed land for state-led projects of material expansion to one that dispossesses land for private and decreasingly productive investments. This new regime, in which states have become mere land brokers for private capital, is arguably less “developmental” than its Nehruvian predecessor. The upshot is that India’s “land wars” are unlikely to dissipate any time soon; and the “land question” may be the largest contradiction for Indian capitalism for the foreseeable future.

scholarly journals The Party’s Turn to Public Repression: An Analysis of the ‘709’ Crackdown on Human Rights Lawyers in China

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Pils
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rational Argument ◽  
Political Emotions ◽  
Legal Advocacy ◽  
Human Rights Advocacy ◽  
Party State

The intensified and more public repression of civil society in China is part of a global shift toward deepened and technologically smarter dictatorship. This article uses the example of the ‘709’ government campaign against Chinese human rights lawyers to discuss this shift. It argues that the Party-State adopted more public and sophisticated forms of repression in reaction to smarter forms and techniques of human rights advocacy. In contrast to liberal legal advocacy, however, the Party-State’s authoritarian (or neo-totalitarian) propaganda is not bounded by rational argument. It can more fully exploit the potential of the political emotions it creates. Along with other forms of public repression, the crackdown indicates a rise of anti-liberal and anti-rationalist conceptions of law and governance and a return to the romanticisation of power.

The Political Origins of Professional Identity: Lawyers, Judges, and Prosecutors in Taiwan’s State Transformation

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ching-fang HSU
Keyword(s):  
Professional Identity ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Transformation ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Core Identity ◽  
Different Levels ◽  
Party State

AbstractWhere does the legal profession’s identity originate from? How do we explain the intra-professional variations, as multiple legal professions diverge in their political orientations? This paper argues that the legal profession critically develops their core identity resisting incumbent rule when the state undergoes fundamental power reconfiguration. It is their political position as opposed to power in a critical juncture of state transformation that determines the legal profession’s collective ideal of who they are and what actions they take. Drawing on 133 interviews with Taiwanese judges, lawyers, and prosecutors, extensive fieldwork, and archival data up to the 1990s, this paper demonstrates how democratization shapes professional identity. As respective professions experienced different levels and models of authoritarian containment, they took separate trajectories to challenge the Kuomintang’s party-state and pledge to different normative commitments. Taiwanese judges categorically defend judicial independence, lawyers advocate for people’s rights, and prosecutors marshal under justice to check abuse of power.

scholarly journals Science Diplomacy in Ecuador: Political Discourse and Practices Between 2007 and 2017

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kleinsy Bonilla ◽  
Milena Serafim ◽  
Efraín Bámaca-López
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Environmental Sustainability ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Human Mobility ◽  
Scientific Output ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Mobility ◽  
Technological Advances ◽  
Science Diplomacy ◽  
Foreign Governments

The decade 2007–2017 was a period in which the Republic of Ecuador experienced a series of economic, social, cultural, and political transformations. This research focused on science, technology, and innovation (STI) changes with implications for Ecuador's foreign policy. One of the core components incorporated was Ecuador's engagement with foreign governments and various regional and global actors to further scientific and technological advances. These far-reaching collaborations aimed to reduce gaps the country experienced in science and research. Moreover, to incorporate Ecuador into worldwide initiatives to tackle cross-border issues, such as climate change and environmental sustainability. These measures included academic and scientific mobility through an extensive scholarship program, the Prometeo Fellowship Program, the Yasuni ITT Initiative, the creation of emblematic research universities, and certain guidelines released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Human Mobility of Ecuador related to these policies. This article reports on qualitative research in which President Rafael Vicente Correa Delgado's political discourse was analyzed, along with key STI policies promoted in his administrations. The objective of this study was to establish different implications from the Science Diplomacy perspective (SD); particularly, reflecting on the consistency between the political rhetoric and the policy implementation. Evidence suggests that the political discourse materialized into concrete STI policies that could partially explain positive transformations in various aspects of the STI context in Ecuador. Institutional strengthening, international mobility (inward and outward), increased scientific output, and foreign policy practices involving SD which can be traced in the studied period. SD strategies could have been more effective and lasting if they were not discontinued upon Correa's departure from the Presidency.

Women in Mozambique

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liazzat J. K. Bonate ◽  
Jonna Katto
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
African Women ◽  
Legal Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Subsistence Economy ◽  
The Family ◽  
Party Line ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Portuguese Colonialism

Mozambique is divided into matrilineal north and patrilineal south, while the central part of the country has a mixture of the two. Both types of kinship organization have important implications for the situation of women. Women in matrilineal societies could access land and political and decision-making power. They had their own property and their children belonged to their matrikin. In patrilineal societies, women depended on their husbands and their kin groups in order to access farmland. Children and property belonged to the husband’s clan. During the colonial period (c. 1890–1975), women’s position in Mozambique was affected by the Indigenato regime (1917–1961). The native African population (classified as indígenas) were denied the rights of Portuguese citizenship and placed under the jurisdiction of local “traditional habits and customs” administered by the appointed chiefs. Despite the fact that Portuguese citizenship was extended to all independent of creed and race by the 1961 Overseas Administrative Reform, most rural African areas remained within the Indigenato regime until the end of colonialism in 1974. Portuguese colonialism adopted an assimilationist and “civilizing” stance and tried to domesticate African women and impose a patriarchal Christian model of family and gender relations. Women were active in the independence struggle and liberation war (1964–1974), contributing greatly to ending colonialism in Mozambique. In 1973, Frelimo launched a nationwide women’s organization, Organização da Mulher Moçambicana (Organization of Mozambican Women, OMM). Although women were encouraged to work for wages in the first decade after independence, they remained largely limited to the subsistence economy, especially in rural areas. The OMM upheld the party line describing women as “natural” caregivers. Only with the political and economic liberalizations of the 1990s were many women able to access new opportunities. The merging of various women’s organizations working in the country during this period helped to consolidate decades-long efforts to expand women’s political and legal rights in independent Mozambique. In the early 2000s, these efforts led to the reform of the family law, which was crucial for the improvement of women’s rights and conditions in Mozambique.

Harnessing the Revolution?

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Mickey
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Federal Intervention ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Party State ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter examines how the southern authoritarian enclaves experienced different modes of democratization in light of the deathblows of federal legislation, domestic insurgencies, and National Democratic Party reform in the 1960s and early 1970s. As enclave rulers came to believe that change was inevitable, most sought to harness the revolution, striking a fine balance between resisting federal intervention without appearing too defiant, and accepting some change without appearing too quiescent. Pursuing a “harnessed revolution” meant influencing the pace of seemingly inevitable change; it served the overarching goals of protecting the political careers of enclave rulers and the interests of many of their political-economic clients. The chapter considers how prior responses to democratization pressures, factional conflict, and party–state institutions shaped modes of democratization. It shows that the growth of Republicans in the Deep South was to varying degrees both consequence and cause of rulers' responses to democratization pressures.

23 Art. 21 GG: Political Parties

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bumke Christian ◽  
Voßkuhle Andreas
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
State Financing ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Private Financing ◽  
Party State

This chapter considers the relevant provisions of Art. 21 of the Grundgesetz (GG) with regard to political parties. Art. 21 GG does not define the term ‘political party’ and provides only a description of its function, which is ‘to participate in the formation of the political will of the people’. There are two conceptions of political party in the literature: the model of the ‘party state’ and the model of ‘party competition’. Political parties display the elements described in both models. The chapter first examines the Federal Constitutional Court's jurisprudence concerning the definition of ‘party’ before discussing the constitutional freedom to found and organise parties, prohibition of parties, competition between political parties and equality of opportunity among parties, and party financing (private financing and state financing).

Variegated transitions: Emerging forms of land and resource capitalism in Laos and Myanmar

2020 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2094852
Author(s):  
Miles Kenney-Lazar ◽  
SiuSue Mark
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Global South ◽  
Resource Extraction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Economic Transitions

Since the mid- to late- 1980s, Laos and Myanmar (Burma) have gradually and unevenly opened their economies to capitalist relations of accumulation. Both countries have done so by granting state land concessions to private capital for resource extraction and land commodification projects, particularly since the early 2000s. Yet, resource capitalism has manifested in distinct ways in both places due to the ways in which capital has interacted with unique pre-capitalist political-economic and social relations as well as the diverse political reactions of Lao and Myanmar people to capitalist transformations. In this paper, we analyze such differences through a conceptualization of ‘variegated transitions’, an extension of the variegated capitalism framework, which investigates the political economic transitions towards capitalism in marginalized, resource extractive countries of the Global South. In Myanmar, the transition from military to democratic rule has been marked by protests and land occupations combined with center-periphery fragmentation and ongoing civil wars, all of which have led to a heavily contested process of land concession granting. In contrast, a stable, comparatively centralized political system in Laos that restrains popular protest has enabled an expanding regime of land concessions for resource extraction projects, albeit hemmed in at the edges by sporadic, localized forms of resistance and appeals to the state.

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