The Rodrik Trilemma and the Dahrendorf Quandary: An Empirical Assessment

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helmut Anheier ◽  
Alexandru Filip

Rodrik’s Trilemma rests on the incompatibility of democracy, national sovereignty, and global economic integration: any two can be combined, but never all three simultaneously and in full. Addressing the same problèmatique but from a different perspective, Dahrendorf’s Quandary posits that, over time, maintaining global economic competitiveness requires countries either to adopt measures detrimental to the cohesion of civil society or to restrict civil liberties and political participation. The purpose of this article is to examine the empirical foundations of Rodrik’s and Dahrendorf’s propositions. When one assesses developed market economies from 1991 to 2014, evidence suggests that only in rare cases can the Trilemma be overcome, and the tensions the Quandary hypothesizes build up to a significant extent. In most cases examined, however, the performance of the countries is too varied to support the broad claims Rodrik and Dahrendorf put forth in their respective writings. Specifically, next to the small group of five cases where either the Trilemma or the Quandary apply, there are twice as many countries that generally managed to grow moderately in terms of economic globalization, liberal democracy, and social cohesion while avoiding some of the tensions implied in the Quandary or reaching Trilemma conditions. For an even larger group of countries, the evidence suggests that growing economic globalization can coexist with lower societal stressor levels.

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 216-226
Author(s):  
Katharina Schmitte ◽  
Bert Schreurs ◽  
Mien Segers ◽  
I. M. “Jim” Jawahar

Abstract. Adopting a within-person perspective, we theorize why ingratiation use directed toward an authority figure increases over time and for whom. We posit that as the appraisal event draws closer, the salience of achieving good evaluations increases, leading to an increasing use of ingratiation. We further propose that the increase will be stronger for individuals with low relative to high self-esteem. Participants were 349 students enrolled in a small-group, tutor-led management course. Data were collected in three bi-weekly waves and analyzed using random coefficient modeling. Results show that ingratiation use increased as time to the evaluation decreased, and low self-esteem students ingratiated more as time progressed. We conclude that ingratiation use varies as a function of contextual and inter-individual differences.


Author(s):  
Laura J. Shepherd

Chapter 5 outlines the ways in which civil society is largely associated with “women” and the “local,” as a spatial and conceptual domain, and how this has implications for how we understand political legitimacy and authority. The author argues that close analysis reveals a shift in the way in which the United Nations as a political entity conceives of civil society over time, from early engagement with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to the more contemporary articulation of civil society as consultant or even implementing partner. Contemporary UN peacebuilding discourse, however, constitutes civil society as a legitimating actor for UN peacebuilding practices, as civil society organizations are the bearers/owners of certain forms of (local) knowledge.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 307-307
Author(s):  
Sok An ◽  
Kyeongmo Kim ◽  
Minhong Lee

Abstract Previous literature suggests that social factors (e.g., social cohesion, social support) are protective predictors of mental health problems. However, there might be a reciprocal relationship between social factors and mental health and the relationship changes over time. Therefore, this study examined the longitudinal relationship between community social cohesion and mental health using a latent growth curve model with 8 waves of the National Health and Aging Trends Study (NHATS; 2011-2018), a nationally representative panel study of Medicare beneficiaries in the United States. Social cohesion measured the perceived level of mutual trust by three items (score range: 0-6) and mental health was measured by PHQ-4 (score range: 0-12). The final model including covariates (age, gender, functional disabilities) fit the data well: χ2=1036.383, p<.001; RMSEA=.037; CFI=.960; and SRMR=.070. Initial level of social cohesion was negatively associated with initial level of mental health problem (β=−.23, p< .001), suggesting that higher levels of social cohesion was associated with lower levels of mental health problems. The covariance between social cohesion slope and mental health slope was significant (β=−.16, p< .01), suggesting an increase in social cohesion was associated with a decrease in mental health problems over time. Functional disabilities significantly influenced mental health over time, while functional disabilities did not influence social cohesion consistently. This study adds to the growing literature on the ways mental health status and social connection have reciprocal relationships over time. Therefore, mental health status in later life could be decreased by improving social cohesion and connectedness with the community.


Urban Studies ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 004209802110088
Author(s):  
Renee Zahnow ◽  
Jonathan Corcoran ◽  
Anthony Kimpton ◽  
Rebecca Wickes

Neighbourhood places like shops, cafes and parks support a variety of social interactions ranging from the ephemeral to the intimate. Repeated interactions at neighbourhood places over time lay the foundation for the development of social cohesion and collective efficacy. In this study, we examine the proposition that changes in the presence or arrangement of neighbourhood places can destabilise social cohesion and collective efficacy, which has implications for crime. Using spatially integrated crime, social survey and parcel-level land-use classification data, we estimate mixed effects panel models predicting changes in theft and nuisance crimes across 147 Australian neighbourhoods. The findings are consistent with neighbourhood social control and crime opportunity theories. Neighbourhood development – indicated by fewer vacant properties and fewer industrial and agricultural sites – is associated with higher collective efficacy and less crime over time. Conversely, introducing more restaurants, transit stations and cinemas is associated with higher theft and nuisance over time regardless of neighbourhood collective efficacy. We argue that the addition of socially conducive places can leave neighbourhoods vulnerable to crime until new patterns of sociability emerge and collective efficacy develops.


2014 ◽  
Vol 672-674 ◽  
pp. 2211-2216
Author(s):  
Yang Lv ◽  
Hong Sheng Sun ◽  
Xi Fu Wang

Under the background of economic globalization and regional economic integration, B2C enterprises begin to focus on how to handle the relationship between logistics services and E-commerce services in the face of intense competition from other companies. This paper proposes a fuzzy analytical hierarchy process (FAHP) approach to select the logistics mode of B2C electronic commerce companies. In addition, a case study is presented to demonstrate how the approach can help in solving such problems in practice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Nils-Christian Bormann ◽  
Yannick I. Pengl ◽  
Lars-Erik Cederman ◽  
Nils B. Weidmann

Abstract Recent research has shown that inequality between ethnic groups is strongly driven by politics, where powerful groups and elites channel the state's resources toward their constituencies. Most of the existing literature assumes that these politically induced inequalities are static and rarely change over time. We challenge this claim and argue that economic globalization and domestic institutions interact in shaping inequality between groups. In weakly institutionalized states, gains from trade primarily accrue to political insiders and their co-ethnics. By contrast, politically excluded groups gain ground where a capable and meritocratic state apparatus governs trade liberalization. Using nighttime luminosity data from 1992 to 2012 and a global sample of ethnic groups, we show that the gap between politically marginalized groups and their included counterparts has narrowed over time while economic globalization progressed at a steady pace. Our quantitative analysis and four qualitative case narratives show, however, that increasing trade openness is associated with economic gains accruing to excluded groups in only institutionally strong states, as predicted by our theoretical argument. In contrast, the economic gap between ethnopolitical insiders and outsiders remains constant or even widens in weakly institutionalized countries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 312-324
Author(s):  
Ryszard Piotrowski

The system of governance in contemporary Poland is founded mainly on a negative narrative of distrust. That narrative brought to power the country’s present scaremongering rulers. They continue feeding the public with frightening stories of an influx of refugees, threats of war and terrorist attacks, evils of globalisation and a loss of cultural identity to foreign ways of life. A balance between distrust of rulers and trust in them is part of democracy’s constitutional identity. Those currently in power sow distrust in liberal democracy and its values – they violate the constitution, stir up distrust of elites, and make attempts at bringing the judiciary to heelwhile staging judges bashing propaganda campaigns. Distrust of European law and European institutions is part and parcel of this process. The negative narrative weakens and threatens to disenfranchise civil society, blurring the line between law and lawlessness. It also weakens those in power.


Author(s):  
Ann Goldberg

This article is about the power of a norm and its mutation over time: the gender role division of the private nuclear family composed of a male provider and protector, and his dependent children and homemaker wife. Those roles corresponded to rigid distinctions that were made between a male public world of work, money, and politics, on the one hand, and a female private sphere of reproduction and nurturance, on the other. These were prescribed ideals of gender. However, as such, the ideals have had tremendous power, shaping personal identity and the daily lives of men and women, as well as influencing the development of the state, civil society, politics, and the economy, according to a vast and growing scholarship. This article highlights the powerful role played by the norm of separate spheres over two centuries of German history along with the development of civil society and the welfare state.


1998 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Cammack

It is doubtful as to whether the countries of the Third World are likely to move to the kind of liberal democracy that is regarded as characteristic of the West. In particular, parties are often remaining ‘parties of the State’ and not organizations truly competing with each other. This is in part a consequence of economic globalization, as the requirements of global economic liberalization do not fit with the requirements of democracy. In such a context, clientelism around the State may be inevitable and it contributes to ensuring that the main party in the country, and indeed all parties become ‘parties of the State’, as is the case in Mexico or Malaysia and perhaps in the Ukraine and South Africa. Thus, globalization does not mean the end of the State, but possibly the end of liberal democracy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document