Imagining Mexico in 1921: Visions of the Revolutionary State and Society in the Centennial Celebration in Mexico City

2009 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Gonzales
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Sporting Events ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Government

In September of 1921, the government of Alvaro Obregóón organized a lavish commemoration of the centennial of Agustíín de Iturbide's ouster of Spanish authority and the creation of Mexico. The occasion gave the administration the opportunity to present its image of the revolutionary state and society within the context of historical memory and public policy. The official program promoted economic and social programs rooted in nineteenth-century liberalism, as well as a new cultural vision that portrayed contemporary indigenous culture as integral to Mexican national identity. The occasion also gave conservatives the opportunity to present a counternarrative of Mexican history in newspaper articles and editorials that championed Iturbide, the Catholic Church, and Mexico's Spanish heritage. The organization of cultural and sporting events also showcased traditional and popular culture. En Septiembre de 1921, el gobierno de Alvaro Obregóón organizóó una celebracióón para conmemorar el centenario de la expulsióón de la monarquíía españñola por parte de Agustíín de Iturbide y del nacimiento del Estado mexicano. La ocasióón permitióó al réégimen presentar su imagen como Estado revolucionario dentro del contexto de la memoria históórica y políítica púública. La agenda oficial promovíía programas econóómicos y sociales basados en el liberalismo del siglo diecinueve, y en una políítica nueva que presentaba a las culturas indíígenas contemporááneas como parte integral de la identidad mexicana. La celebracióón tambiéén dio a los conservadores la oportunidad de presentar una interpretacióón de la historia mexicana que iba en contra de la oficial. ÉÉsta fue presentada en artíículos y editoriales de perióódicos que celebraban a Iturbide, la iglesia catóólica y la herencia españñola en Mééxico. La organizacióón de eventos culturales y deportivos tambiéén revelóó aspectos centrales de la cultura tradicional y popular.

Mexico’s Centennial Celebration of Independence in 1910

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Gonzales
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Primary Schools ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Transformation ◽  
Department Stores ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
The Government

Porfirio Díaz’s liberal dictatorship used the centenary of independence to promote material progress, political stability, and the mestizo nation, all of which have remained important characteristics of the Mexican state. The centennial program lionized José Maria Morelos as a mestizo hero of independence and Benito Juárez as an architect of La Reforma and savior of the nation. Besides his remarkable political career, Juárez symbolized the cultural transformation of an Indian into a mestizo through education and secularization, a process advocated by Porfirian social engineers as essential to Mexico’s modernization. Porfirians also viewed Mexico’s pre-Columbian heritage as a source of national pride and identity. For the Centenary, the government expanded the national ethnographic museum, reconstructed Teotihuacán, and sponsored the International Congress of Americanists where scholars presented papers on precolonial cultures. Porfirians’ appreciation for the pre-Columbians, however, did not extend to contemporary Indians, who were considered to be a drag on modernization and an embarrassment. Mexico’s modernization was symbolized by the transformation of Mexico City, the principal venue for the Centennial programs. The capital had been remodeled along Parisian lines with grand boulevards, roundabouts (glorietas), and green space. Electric tramways also connected neighborhoods with downtown, new fashionable suburbs displayed mansions with modern conveniences, and high-end department stores sold merchandise imported from Paris and London. During the Centenary, the Paseo de la Reforma and downtown avenues accommodated parades with patriotic and commercial themes, and central plazas provided space for industrial and cultural exhibitions similar to those found at international fairs. The Desfile Histórico depicted scenes from the conquest, colonial, and independence periods that outlined a liberal version of Mexican history. The program also featured openings of primary schools, a public university, an insane asylum, and water works, all indicative of Porfirian notions of modernization. The Centennial’s audience included Mexico City residents, visitors from the provinces, and delegates from the United States, Europe, and Asia. International and liberal newspapers characterized events as festive and patriotic, while the conservative press protested the lack of attention given to Agustín de Iturbide, the conservative independence leader, and to the Catholic Church. During the celebration, supporters of Francisco I. Madero, the reformer imprisoned by Díaz, organized two protests that interrupted events and foreshadowed troubles ahead. Following Madero’s escape from prison, his call to revolution was answered by peasants, provincial elites, and local strongmen whose movements forced Díaz to resign the following year. Revolutionary governments subsequently used Independence Day celebrations, including another centennial in 1921, to promote their political and cultural agendas, including anti-clericalism and indigenous culture as national culture.

The Crisis of Cardenismo

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert L. Michaels
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
Urban Workers ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
The Church

By April 1938, Lázaro Cárdenas had altered the course of modern Mexican history. The hacienda system had virtually disappeared to be replaced by smallholdings and by collective and semi-collective ejidos. The church-state quarrel, cause of so much bloodshed in the 1920s, had largely subsided; the Catholic Church had supported the government against the foreign oil companies, even seeking to help the government collect money to pay for the nationalization. Both the nation's agrarian and urban workers had formed powerful, well-organized unions ready and able to defend their members' newly won gains. Most important to subsequent developments, however, was the government's expropriation of the foreign oil companies in March of 1938. The oil companies had defied every twentieth-century Mexican government; nationalization temporarily united Mexicans as never before in the nation's history. Although these accomplishments, especially the land reform and oil expropriation, established Cárdenas's credentials as the most radical of modern Mexican presidents, his subsequent behaviour has made many, especially on the extreme left, question his sincerity.

Bodies and Souls

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 243-269
Author(s):  
Sofía Crespo Reyes ◽  
Pamela J. Fuentes
Keyword(s):  
Mexico City ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Venereal Diseases ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
Catholic Women ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Catholic Church

This article examines debates about the bodies and souls of women prostitutes in Mexico City that confronted the revolutionary Mexican government with the Catholic Church in the 1920s. We analyze the philanthropic activities of women’s organizations such as the Damas Católicas through the Ejército de Defensa de la Mujer and the ways in which they engaged in political roles at a time of fierce political struggle between the Catholic Church and the Mexican government. For both the government and Catholic women, it was deemed necessary to isolate and seclude the prostitutes’ bodies to cure them of venereal diseases and rehabilite them morally. While the government interned them at Hospital Morelos, Catholic women established a private assistance network, as well as so-called casas de regeneración, where former prostitutes had to work to sustain themselves while repenting for their sins and receiving the sacraments. By exploring the tension-filled interaction about women prostitutes between the Mexican government and the Catholic Church, we seek to contribute to the understanding of sexuality and prostitution in Mexico City in the 1920s.

EFFECT OF DIGITAL COMMUNITY TOWARDS DEMOCRACY PROCESS: DIGITAL PARTISIPATION ANALYSIS IN INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alih Aji Nugroho
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Rapid Development ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
Digital Society ◽  
Digital World ◽  
Digital Community ◽  
The Government

The world is entering a new phase of the digital era, including Indonesia. The unification of the real world and cyberspace is a sign, where the conditions of both can influence each other (Hyung Jun, 2018). The patterns of behavior and public relations in the virtual universe gave rise to new social interactions called the Digital Society. One part of Global Megatrends has also influenced public policy in Indonesia in recent years. Critical mass previously carried out conventionally is now a virtual movement. War of hashtags, petitions, and digital community comments are new tools and strategies for influencing policy. This paper attempts to analyze the extent of digital society's influence on public policy in Indonesia. As well as what public policy models are needed. Methodology used in this analysis is qualitative descriptive. Data collection through literature studies by critical mass digital recognition in Indonesia and trying to find a relationship between political participation through social media and democracy. By processing the pro and contra views regarding the selection of social media as a level of participation, this paper finds that there are overlapping interests that have the potential to distort the articulation of freedom of opinion and participation. - which is characteristic of a democratic state. The result is the rapid development of digital society which greatly influences the public policy process. Digital society imagines being able to participate formally in influencing policy in Indonesia. The democracy that developed in the digital society is cyberdemocracy. Public space in the digital world must be guaranteed security and its impact on the policies that will be determined. The recommendation given to the government is that a cyber data analyst is needed to oversee the issues that are developing in the digital world. Regulations related to the security of digital public spaces must be maximized. The government maximizes cooperation with related stakeholders.Keywords: Digital Society; Democracy; Public policy; Political Participation

Capital californiano, necesidad presupuestal y cambio político: Juan Temple y el arrendamiento de la Casa de Moneda de México, 1827–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Las Casas ◽  
Siglo Xix ◽  
The Government

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.

Reasons for the Onset of the Uniat Clergy’s Movement Towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the Beginning of the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Latin Church ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Church Service ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.

The process of investigating Diocesan Curia in Lublin by the PRL’s apparatus of repression in the years 1946-1974

2013 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kosobudzka
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Gain Control ◽  
Source Analysis ◽  
Secret Police ◽  
Personal Lives ◽  
Catholic Clergy ◽  
Recorded Data ◽  
The Government ◽  
Operational Activities ◽  
Intensive Surveillance

SUMMARYThe article below focuses on the source analysis of the process of investigating Diocesan Curia in Lublin in the years 1946-1947, during the period when two Lublin ordinaries were in charge: Bishop Stefan Wyszyński (1946-1948) and Bishop Piotr Kałwa (1949-1974). Diocesan Curia, as the most important institution in the Church administrative hierarchy, was subject to intensive surveillance by PRL’s apparatus of repression.At the beginning, the process of investigating the management structure on the diocese level was not conducted by specially selected departments but was performed as a part of broadly conceived actions directed against Catholic clergy. In the years 1946-1948,when bishop Stefan Wyszyński was in charge, operational activities against the clergy and the bishops were led by 5th Section of 5th Department of Voivodeship Public Security Office (Sekcja V Wydziału V Wojewódzkiego Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa) in Lublin (until the February of 1953). It can be inferred from the recorded data that until 1949 the Diocesan Curia’s circle in Lublin was very poorly uncovered by Polish communist secret police and their activity amounted only to gathering and verifying data received from informants. The shortage of well-trained agents prevented taking more intensive actions against Bishop Wyszyński and Diocesan Curia in Lublin.In the years 1949-1974, when Bishop Piotr Kałwa was in charge, the 5th Section of the 5th Department of VPSO continued their operational activities aimed against the Lublin’s Curia. In 1953 a new department was created on the basis of 5th Section. The so-called 11th Department took over the entirety of cases pertaining to the Catholic Church. In 1955 the 11th Department was transformed into 6th Department of VPSO in Lublin. 3rd Department of VPSO in Lublin and 1st Section of 6th Department of Polish communist secret police of Voivodeship Polish Citizen Militia Headquarters in Lublin (referat Służby Bezpieczeństwa w Komendzie Wojewódzkiej Milicji Obywatelskiej), respectively, also conducted investigation activities concerning the bishops and Curia.As of 1949, the Diocesan Curia in Lublin was subject to intensive surveillance by the PRL’s security service apparatus. Its main aim at that point was to restrict the Curia’s activity so as to gain control over it. In order to achieve that, the activity of Curial employees and bishops was documented and revealed. Additionally, the conflicts between the bishops, Curial employees and KUL’s management were incited and deepened. What is more, the secret police attentively scrutinized bishops’ and Curial employees’ personal lives in order to gather compromising data, gained secret collaborators (47 secret agents were involved in the process) and limited Curia employees’ departures for studies abroad. Almost every type of operation activities was used against Bishop Piotr Kałwa. The secret police applied phone tapping, bugging, surveillance, reading mail and sending anonymous letters in order to undermine his authority. What is more, the secret police tried to set bishop Kałwa at variance with Primate Wyszyński. However, these actions did not change Bishops Kałwa’s stance who, until his death, unwaveringly defended the Catholic Church’s independence from the government.

Institutional Historical Memory and History in Post-Soviet Belarus

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
Alena Marková
Keyword(s):  
Historical Memory ◽  
Typical Feature ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
National History ◽  
Nationality Policy ◽  
Second Shift ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
The Government ◽  
Clear Shift

Abstract Belarusian institutional historical memory (as defined by Richard Ned Lebow) and the interpretation of Belarusian national history have experienced radical shifts in the past several decades. The first shift (1990–1994) was characterized by radical rejection of the interpretational and methodological patterns of the Soviet period, resulting in the creation of a new concept of Belarusian national history and historical narrative. The second shift in the existing historical narrative and institutional memory followed rapidly. It came with the transformation from a parliamentary republic into a parliamentary-presidential (1994) and then presidential republic (1996). The second wave demonstrated a clear shift towards a methodological, theoretical approach and terminological framework typical of the historiography of the Soviet period. These changes were in response to the growing demands for ideological control of institutionalized historical research supported by the government in the same decade. One of the characteristic features of recent Belarusian state-sponsored historiography (Lyč, Chigrinov, Marcuĺ, Novik and others) is the linking of post-Soviet national initiatives to Nazi occupation and collaboration in World War II. Another typical feature is simplifying historical explanations and often using undisguised pejorative terminology. The last shift in institutional historical memory also resulted in further re-interpretations of many symbolic centres and milestones of Belarusian history (for example, the period of the first years of post-Soviet independence, the introduction of new national symbols (Pahonia coat of arms and white-red-white flag) and the interwar nationality policy of Belarusization of the 1920s.)

Electronic Communication in the Paradigm of Interaction of State and Society

2020 ◽  
pp. 11-17
Keyword(s):  
Electronic Communication ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Digital Environment ◽  
Active Involvement ◽  
Communication Law ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Legal Communication ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

In recent decades, the phenomenon of mass electronic communication has been studied by various sciences. The right also turned out to be included in a similar discourse. Communication in the digital environment is the reason for the interaction of previously distant segments of society. In modern law, the concept of electronic communication remains in a certain sense debatable, it is often identified with legal communication. At the same time, electronic communication has an additional «dimension». The globalization of the information space encourages legal scholars to study electronic communication as the action and interaction of various actors, based on Internet technologies using web services, portals, blogs, websites, social networks. There is a need for re- levant legal regulation of the informational interaction between the authorities and society in the Republic of Belarus, in connection with which a new «field» is opening up for activities in various areas of law. The meaning of electronic communication is constantly expanding and, depending on the specialization, even varies. For an adequate understanding of electronic communication, law must take into account the tools of other humanities. In contact with the digital environment, legal science is called upon to reformat research tasks to explain the new empirical and theoretical experience associated with the transformation of the paradigm of interaction between the state and society in the network structures. The author comprehends these issues in relation to the conditions of development of e-government in the Republic of Belarus and the need for more active involvement of the public in the government.

Ethics and Public Policy

1981 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
George J. Graham
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
Policy Choice ◽  
Single Text ◽  
Public Policy Analysis ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Framework ◽  
Selection Of

The purpose of this course is to introduce a new framework linking the humanities to public policy analysis as pursued in the government and the academy. Current efforts to link the particular contributions from the humanities to problems of public policy choice are often narrow either in terms of their perspective on the humanities or in terms of their selection of the possible means of influencing policy choice. Sometimes a single text from one of the humanities disciplines is selected to apply to a particular issue. At other times, arguments about the ethical dimensions of a single policy issue often are pursued with a single — or sometimes, no — point of access to the policy process in mind.

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