scholarly journals Political Parties and the Peasantry in the Ukrainian Provinces of the Russian Empire in the Late Nineteenth - Early Twentieth Centuries: Sociomental and Institutional Factors of Interaction

2021 ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
O. Donik ◽  
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B. Opria ◽  
O. Fedkov ◽  
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...  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-39
Author(s):  
Ainur Elmgren

Visual stereotypes constitute a set of tropes through which the Other is described and depicted to anaudience, who perhaps never will encounter the individuals that those tropes purport to represent.Upon the arrival of Muslim Tatar traders in Finland in the late nineteenth century, newspapers andsatirical journals utilized visual stereotypes to identify the new arrivals and draw demarcation linesbetween them and what was considered “Finnish”. The Tatars arrived during a time of tension inthe relationship between the autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland and the Russian Empire, withthe Finnish intelligentsia divided along political and language lines. Stereotypical images of Tatarpedlars were used as insults against political opponents within Finland and as covert criticism ofthe policies of the Russian Empire. Stereotypes about ethnic and religious minorities like the Tatarsfulfilled a political need for substitute enemy images; after Finland became independent in 1917,these visual stereotypes almost disappeared.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-36
Author(s):  
Alan D. Roe

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, many countries embraced the national park concept as a way of showcasing their scenic landscapes and developing internal tourism. Many members of the Russian Imperial Geographical Society called for a system of parks in the Russian Empire. However, following the Great October Revolution of 1917, Russian conservationists and game management professionals instead pushed the state to establish zapovedniki dedicated to scientific research as well as some that served as game preserves. As “science for science’s sake” came under more suspicion in the 1930s, many supporters of the zapovedniki promoted tourism in them to make them seem more “useful” to government officials. By the late 1930s, tens of thousands of tourists entered the zapovedniki every year. Even in a climate of fear and xenophobia, some tourism promoters used the example of US national parks as they argued that zapovedniki should accommodate still more tourists.


2021 ◽  
pp. 209-224
Author(s):  
Karolina Studnicka-Mariańczyk ◽  
Bartłomiej Frukacz

The revolution of 1905 eludes simplistic and schematic interpretations. The event engulfed the Russian Empire and it spread to the territory of the Kingdom of Poland. The revolution had a complex background, but the rising discontent of the working classes and peasants played a crucial role. Political factors and opposition against Russian absolutism were equally pivotal. In the Kingdom of Poland, left-wing revolutionary forces’ attempts to regain national independence and sovereignty strongly contributed to the insurgency. The most significant acts of rebellion took place in the major Russian cities and the Vistula Country that had been incorporated into Imperial Russia. The key metropolitan areas at the beginning of the 20th century were St. Petersburg, Warsaw, Riga, Łódź as well as Częstochowa. The revolution of 1905 attracts considerable interest and stirs much controversy among contemporary historians. The events surrounding the revolution have been well documented by the existing research into worker movements and the history of political parties. However, not all sources have been identified and published, which creates new opportunities for expanding the existing knowledge. One of such undiscovered sources is a short diary of Bronisława Barc (née Zejden) who participated in the strikes in Częstochowa.


2020 ◽  
pp. 84-102
Author(s):  
О. Сарнацький

The actions of the juridicalbranch of power of the autocracyin relationto the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberatoryand national-liberatorymovement in the country, whichwere aimed at ceaseof their politicalactivity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system.After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political partiesin the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarism (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment.During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators. More or less «condescending» sentences of judges against representatives of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in 1905 forced the tsarist judiciary to review such a judicial procedure and strengthen its harshness on defendants who committed crimes against the authorities. Subsequently, the Ministry of Justice issued a variety of secret circulars, aimed at intensifying the struggle of the courts against the revolutionary movement, and the court machine of the tsar began to increase pressure. The law of March 18, 1906, restricted the publicity of the court and the timeframe for hearing cases, abolished the requirement to record witnesses’ statements in the minutes and to motivate sentences. On May 11, 1906, the Ministry of Justice issued a circular to the courts No. 2015, which stated that cases of the most serious state crimes should be heard in the special presence of the court chamber behind closed doors. It consisted of a provincial nobleman, a mayor, and state representatives. The judicial power of the autocracy was actively “working”, punishing representatives and supporters of Ukrainian political parties when their activities were related to elections to the Second State Duma. At the same time, the royal court severely punished representatives of Ukrainian political parties, even if they were considered underage by the laws of the Russian Empire, without even considering some of them as guilty.


Slavic Review ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 850-872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Choi Chatterjee

Based on a comparison of the prison experiences of Ekaterina Breshko- Breshkovskaia, member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party of Russia, and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, revolutionary and Hindu fundamentalist, I ask two central questions: How did Breshkovskaia's story about exile and punishment help establish the tsarist genealogy of the gulag in the western consciousness, while the suffering of political prisoners in British India, as exemplified by Savarkar, were completely occluded? How and why did the specificity of incarceration in the Russian empire eclipse systems of punishment designed by other European empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? In this article, I argue that the penumbra of modernity was darkened not only by the savagery of the Holocaust and the gulag but also by the brutal violence of western imperialism. Placing the Russian prison and exile system in comparative global perspective opens up new avenues of research in a field that has relied excessively on the intellectual binaries of a repressive Russia and a liberal western Europe.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johanna Wassholm

In the 1880s, the arrival of a new group of traders was noted in Finnish- and Swedish-languagenewspapers published in the Grand Duchy of Finland. The newcomers were Muslim Tatars, pettytraders originating in a few villages south of Nizhny Novgorod. They found a livelihood in marketand itinerant trade in the Russian Empire. This article examines depictions of Tatar mobile tradersin the late nineteenth-century press in Finland. While petty trade has left fragmentary traces inhistorical sources, the Finnish National Library’s digital newspaper database offers new possibilitiesto create an overview of how the press depicted relations between the early Tatar itineranttraders and the local sedentary society. Through the concepts of space and practices, the articlediscusses the following topics: fairs as a space for ethnic encounters, Tatar trading practices andinteraction with local customers, the traders’ use of space and tactics in relation to formal regulationand the fairs as a “threatening” space. The article contributes new knowledge on the earlyperiod of Tatar presence in Finland, relatively invisible in previous research, and on the multiethniccharacter of late nineteenth-century petty trade.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
Olga Patrikeeva

A Majority system of elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire pushed the political parties participating in election campaigns to the conclusion of electoral blocs and agreements. The purpose of this article is to find out whether the generated block of Octobrists and reactionaries in the elections in the II State Duma? Compromised if the leadership of the “Soyuz 17 oktyabrya” the pre-election agreement with such odious political force? The methodological basis of this work was the principles of historicism, scientific credibility and objectivity, as well as traditional methods of historical research: problem-chronological, comparative. Based on the analysis of preserved in the archives of the party’s correspondence and also periodicals of the time the author comes to the conclusion that the election agreement of the “Soyuz 17 oktyabrya” with the right-wing political parties did not take place. The reason is the difference in the views of the moderate and far-right politicians to solve the “Jewish question” in Russia in the early twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Oleksii Altukhov ◽  

The article considers and analyzes the informational significance of the leading economic specialized publication of the late XIX – early XX centuries. „Banking Encyclopedia”. It is noted that in 1917 the second volume of this work, fundamental at that time in the field of economics, was published in Kyiv, which was entirely devoted to the study of stock exchange business in the leading countries, the Russian Empire and the Ukrainian lands. The co-authors of the work were leading contemporary economists and lawyers, in particular A. N. Antsiferov, G. V. Afanasyev, H. A. Baranovsky, M. N. Bogolepov, E. V. Vanshtein, I. M. Goldstein, N. S. Dobrokhotov, V. Ya. Zheleznov, A. M. Lazarev, D. N. Levin, E. S. Lurie, P. P. Migulin, N. D. Silin, P. B. Struve, M. P. Tugan-Baranovsky and others. Among the aspects considered were, in particular, the activities of the leading stock exchange institutions of Dnieper Ukraine: in Odessa, in Kyiv, in Kharkiv. Leading economist, professor of the Kyiv Commercial Institute, long-term deputy of the State Duma Leonid Mykolayovych Yasnopolsky became the editor-in-chief of the publication. Analyzing the scientific works collected in the Second Volume of the Banking Encyclopedia of 1917, the author of the article came to the conclusion that they make it possible to trace the state of affairs in the development of the stock market in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In particular, one can trace the state policy towards these financial institutions, which in many respects slowed down the development of the stock market, both in Ukraine and in the Russian Empire as a whole.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 226-235
Author(s):  
Svetlana Stepanova

The purpose of this article is to study the problem of the Russian specifics of partogenesis in modern socio-political discourse. Particular attention is paid to the formation and development of the party system in modern Russia. The presence of a meaningful relationship between the stage of the emergence of a multi-party system in the period of the Russian Empire, the post-revolutionary Soviet period when the one-party system was approved, and, finally, the modern multi-party system in the Russian Federation.


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