scholarly journals PIIL PESENGGIRI: POLITIK IDENTITAS KOMUNITAS LAMPUNG

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Zainal Arifin

Provinsi Lampung adalah salah satu cerminan wilayah multikultural yang ada di Indonesia. Multikultural yang ada di wilayah Lampung tidak bisa dilepaskan dari terbukanya komunitasnya dalam menerima kehadiran etnis lain di wilayahnya, yang tertuang dalam nilai-nilai budaya piil pesenggiri yang mereka miliki. Akan tetapi, piil pesenggiri pula sering diklaim sebagai penyebab konflik yang sering melibatkan orang Lampung. Ini menunjukkan ada paradoks cara pandang dalam memahami piil pesenggiri sebagai identitas orang Lampung. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualittif dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara dan observasi, yang ditujukan untuk membantah klaim bahwa konflik yang sering terjadi di wilayah Lampung, disebabkan karena menguatnya piil pesenggiri. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa piil pesenggiri sebagai identitas, justru mampu menciptakan harmoni dengan etnis lain. Melalui kasus komunitas Lampung di Way Kanan, mekanisme politik pengorganisasian identitas (politik identitas) tersebut, komunitas Lampung justru mampu menguatkan identitas piil pesenggiri-nya, sekaligus mampu menciptakan harmoni di tengah masyarakatrnya. Lampung Province is a reflection of multicultural region in Indonesia. Multiculturalism in the region is related to the openness of the community in accepting the presence of other ethnic groups in the region. The principle of openness is contained in the values of the piil pesenggiri as as a part of their culture. But on the other hand, the piil pesenggiri was also often claimed as a cause of conflict involving frequently Lampungnese. This situation ilustrated the existence of paradoxes of perspective in understanding the piil pesenggiri as Lampung people's identity. The research employs a qualitative approach with interview and observation data collection techniques. The research purposes is to obtain findings to refute the claims of the piil pesenggiri as trigger of frequent conflict in Lampung. The results of the study demonstrates the facts contradicting the claims. The piil pesenggiri as identity actually was even able to create harmony with other ethnic groups. In the case of the Lampungnese community in Way Kanan, through the political mechanism of organizing identity (politics of identitiy), the Lampungnese community was able to strengthen the identity of the piil pesenggiri while at the same time being able to create harmony in the community.

heritage ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-184
Author(s):  
Imam Subqi

Abstract   This research aims to describe the meron tradition in mount kendeng community at Pati Regency and to address the socio-religious values reflected in the  meron tradition. The research used qualitative approach, and the data collection techniques were done through interviews, observation and documentation. The data were analysed through interactive models and validated through triangulation technique. The findings of the study show that  the tradition of meron  in javanese perspective is considered a form of public gratitude to the God Almighty, for the abundance of sustenance that has been given. On the other hand, the tradition of  meron is carried out to commemorate the birth of the Prophet Muhammad SAW. Meron become  the embodiment of Javanese and Islamic cultural acculturation.  In the  tradition of meron,  there are ritual, prayer and magical activities performed accompanied by gamelan, terbangan and other traditional arts. Social values reflected in the meron tradition are compassion, living together, togetherness/solidarity, and responsibility. Religious values reflected in the meron tradition include the value of worship, love for the Prophet Muhammad, gratitude, the value of trust, and exemplary.     Abstrak   Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan tradisi meron masyarakat gunung Kendeng di Kabupaten Pati dan menyibak nilai-nilai sosial-religius yang tercermin dalam tradisi meron tersebut. Pendekatan penelitian menggunakan kualitatif, teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan wawancara, observasi partisipan dan dokumentasi. Analisis data menggunakan model interaktif dan keabsahan data dilakukan dengan triangulasi. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tradisi meron dalam perspektif jawa dianggap sebagai wujud syukur masyarakat kepada yang Maha Kuasa atas limpahan rezeki yang telah diberikan. Disisi lain tradisi meron dilakukan untuk memperingati kelahiran Nabi Muhammad SAW. Meron menjadi perwujudan akulturasi budaya Jawa dan Islam.  Dalam  tradisi meron ada kegiatan ritual, doa selametan dan magis yang dilakukan dengan diiringi gamelan, terbangan dan kesenian tradisional lainnya. Nilai sosial yang tercermin dalam tradisi meron yaitu kasih sayang, hidup rukun, kebersamaan/solidaritas, dan tanggung jawab. Nilai religius dalam tradisi meron meliputi nilai ibadah, kecintaaan pada Nabi Muhammad SAW, syukur, nilai amanah, dan keteladanan.   Kata Kunci: nilai sosial, nilai religius dan tradisi meron


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-22
Author(s):  
Suci Prasarti ◽  
Erik Teguh Prakoso

ABSTRACT The central problem of this research is the issue of demographic bonus and millineal generation whose impact can be an opportunity or threat to the sustainability and progress of the development of the Indonesian nation. The purpose of this research is to find indicators of character and milineal behavior and analyze the potential opportunities and threats. This study uses a qualitative approach using observation, interview, and documentation data collection techniques. The results of the study concluded that millennial generation has a unique character based on region and socio-economic conditions. One of the main characteristics of millennial generation is that it is characterized by a very literate digital, communicative, and multitasking technology. Being raised by technological advancements, this generation has creative, informative, passionate and productive characteristics. If the unique characteristics of this milineal are understood and facilitated optimally, it will be an opportunity for the development of productive human resources that will become the nation's development capital. On the other hand, the characteristics of this generation will be a threat to national development if not understood and facilitated according to their potential and passion. ABSTRAKProblematika sentral riset ini adalah isu bonus demografi dan generasi milineal yang dampaknya dapat menjadi peluang atau ancaman terhadap keberlangsungan dan kemajuan pembangunan bangsa Indonesia. Tujuan penelitian adalah menemukan indikator karakter dan perilkau milineal serta menganalisis potensi peluang dan ancamannya. Penelitian ini memnggunakan hampiran kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik pengumpulan  data observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa generasi milenial memiliki karakter unik berdasarkan wilayah dan kondisi sosial-ekonomi. Salah satu ciri utama generasi milenial adalah ditandai oleh  sangat melek teknologi digital, komunikatif, dan multitasking. Karena dibesarkan oleh kemajuan teknologi, generasi ini memiliki ciri-ciri kreatif, informatif, mempunyai passion dan produktif. Bila karakteristik khas dari milineal ini  dipahami dan difasilitasi secara optimal akan menjadi peluang terbangunnya sumber daya manusia yang produktif sehingga akan menjadi modal pembangunan bangsa. Sebaliknya karakteristk generasi milineal ini akan menjadi ancaman pembangunan bangsa apabila tidak dipamahami dan difasilitasi sesuai dengan potensi dan passionnya.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 93-103

In the first decade following the annexation of Bessarabia, the Russian authorities simoultaneously pursued two different approaches without fully realizing their contradictions. On the one hand, they sought to win support of the Bessarabian nobility by recognizing their land titles in the former Hotin reaya and proclaiming local autonomy based on the law of the land. On the other hand, they sought to colonize the underpopulated lands of Southern Bessarabia by inviting transdanubian Bulgarians and other ethnic groups. Although both approaches envisioned the transformation of the new province into a new homeland for the co-religionist Balkan peoples, their combination provoked social tensions between the the Bessarabian landowners and the colonists. The paper argues that the prolonged conflict between the two groups ultimately illustrates the uncertainty of Bessarabia’s status in the political geography of the Russian empire during the first decades after 1812.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 264
Author(s):  
Yulkardi Yulkardi ◽  
Jelly Jelly ◽  
Yunarti Yunarti

This paper aims to analyze early marriage in the village of Sialang. Early marriage is caused by pregnancy outside of marriage. Early marriage is used as a solution to social problems,  one of which is pregnancy out of wedlock.  customary, religious and government institutions  fail to solve the problem of pregnancy outside of marriage. These three institutions are called tigo tali sapilin. The approach used in this study is a qualitative approach. The data collection techniques used were in-depth interviews and observations. The findings of the study indicate that there is a system dysfunction experienced by the tigo sapilin cord. The dysfunction of this system on the other hand also results in irrelevant consequences, namely doro. This phenomenon is analyzed using Robert K. Merton's theory of social system dysfunction


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Wong

This research aims at analyzing (1) the effect of vendor’s ability, benevolence, and integrity variables toward e-commerce customers’ trust in UBM; (2) the effect of vendor’s ability, benevolence, and integrity variables toward the level of e-commerce customers’ participation in Indonesia; and (3) the effect of trust variable toward level of e-commerce customers participation in UBM. This research makes use of UBM e-commerce users as research samples while using Likert scale questionnaire for data collection. Furthermore, the questionnaires are sent to as many as 200 respondents. For data analysis method, Structural Equation Model was used. Out of three predictor variables (ability, benevolence, and integrity), it is only vendor’s integrity that has a positive and significant effect on customers’ trust. On the other hand, it is only vendor’s integrity and customer’s trust that have a positive and significant effect on e-commerce customers’ participation in UBM. Keywords: e-commerce customers’ participation, ability, benevolence, integrity


1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 380
Author(s):  
Matthew John Paul Tan

This paper will focus on one element of the pushback against the massive influx of immigrants taken in for humanitarian purposes, namely, an identity-based chauvinism which uses identity as the point of resistance to the perceived dilution of that identity, brought about by the transformation of culture induced by the incorporation of a foreign other. The solution to this perceived dilution is a simultaneous defence of that culture and a demand for a conformity to it. While those in the critical tradition have encouraged a counter-position of revolutionary transformation by the other through ethics, dialogue, or the multitude, such a transformation is arguably impeded by what is ultimately a repetition of the metaphysics of conformity. Drawing on the personalism of Emmanuel Mounier and the Eucharistic theology of Creston Davis and Aaron Riches, this paper submits an alternative identity politics position that completes the revolutionary impulse. Identity here is not the flashpoint of a self-serving conflict, but the launch-point of politics of self-emptying, whose hallmarks include, on the one hand, a never-ending reception of transformation by the other, and on the other hand, an anchoring in the Body of Christ that is at once ever-changing and never-changing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.


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