PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-147

WE HAVE previously looked at the pediatrician in the roles of the child's specialist, the family's medical advisor, and teacher (see the President's Message, Pediatrics, January, March, May, 1963). There is but one further, and inevitable, step in his service on behalf of the child, that of citizen. For when he becomes physician for the child, he becomes advocate for the child personally, with the family, in office and hospital, and among medical personnel, and, finally, within the community, the state, the nation. This role is especially important in a free society, under a democratic or representative form of government, where progress is made by education and persuasion rather than by fiat. If it seems that pressure groups often prevail, then the pediatrician at times must engender or join a pressure group on behalf of children. He quickly finds allies, for the welfare of children engages the interest of many. To some readers this series may seem nostalgic, biographic, or autobiographic, since references are often made to experiences of the author or the panel of pediatricians whose submitted ideas have been incorporated; to others it may seem to present the "glamor" of pediatrics. If so, the author pleads intentional guilt, but guilt on a factual basis. For this is pediatrics of the past third-century as 20 other pediatricians and I have seen and lived it; our experiences, from coast to coast, are not unique. And pediatrics—beyond the long hours and the hard work and the occasional heartache—does participate in the glamor of childhood, the wonder of growth and maturing.

1911 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 56-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. F. Hill

With but two exceptions, no trace now remains of the shrines with which this paper deals, or at least no trace has been revealed by excavation. Practically the sole record of these buildings is to be found on the coins struck in the district during the period of the Roman Empire, and more especially during the third century of our era. The earlier coins, from the beginning of the coinage towards the end of the fifth century B.C., tell us something about the cults, but little of their furniture. But in the Roman age, especially during the time of the family of Severus and Elagabalus, there was a considerable outburst of coinage, which, in its types, reveals certain details interesting to the student of the fringe of Greek and Roman culture.The evidence thus provided is necessarily disjointed, and concerns only the external, official aspects of the Phoenician religion. The inner truth of these things, it is safe to say, is hidden for ever: even the development from the primitive religion to the weird syncretistic systems of the Roman age is hopelessly obscure. One can only see dimly what was the state of things during the period illustrated by the monuments.


Check List ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-640
Author(s):  
Paulo Baltazar Diniz ◽  
Hatus de Oliveira Siqueira ◽  
Tâmer de Oliveira Faleiros ◽  
Nycolas Levy Pereira ◽  
José Augusto Senhorini ◽  
...  

Rio Santa Bárbara, a small tributary of the Rio Sapucaí-Mirim, has undergone severe human intervention over the past 80 years. We surveyed the ichthyofauna of this river, some surrounding lakes, and the Rio Potreiro, a tributary. Four campaigns were carried out, 2 in the dry season and 2 in the rainy season. We found 920 specimens at 12 sites and included 32 species belonging to 6 orders and 16 families. The order Characiformes was found to be best represented in our study, followed by the orders Cichliformes and Siluriformes. The family Characidae was the most numerous, followed by the families Cichlidae and Poeciliidae. A specimen of Brycon nattereri was collected from the Rio Santa Bárbara; this species is Critically Endangered in the state of São Paulo.


Author(s):  
Charlotte Greenhalgh

The family lives of elderly people attracted fresh concern in the postwar years when more old people lived alone and used welfare services. Sociologist Peter Townsend spent many hours speaking with each of 203 interviewees when he researched the topic in East London in 1954–1955. Townsend highlighted ignored contributions of older people to family life. He showed that families, not the state, did the real work of aged care. During interviews, older people told life stories that illustrated their hard work and stoicism, and that challenged sociological theories. Most did not fear death, but only the suffering of loved ones. While a few could not find the words, the majority were confident storytellers: this chapter explores their unpublished stories.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Parkinson

The Family Law Act 1975 (Cth) provides that judges must not alter property rights on the breakdown of the relationship unless satisfied that it is just and equitable to do so. This is the principle of judicial restraint. In the past, and prior to the 2012 decision of the High Court in Stanford v Stanford, this principle was given almost no effect. The High Court sought to correct this approach, insisting that the family courts should not begin from an assumption that a couple’s property rights are or should be different from the state of the legal and equitable title. It also reaffirmed that there is no community of property in Australia. This article considers the significance of the principle of judicial restraint: first, in cases where the property is already jointly owned and, secondly, in cases where the couple have chosen to keep their finances separate.


Hawwa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 205-235
Author(s):  
Haya Al-Noaimi

AbstractWhile many GCC states have been embracing widespread modernization reforms across various sectors in the past few decades, sexual and reproductive health education, social awareness campaigns, and relevant penal codes criminalizing sexual crimes still remain dangerously outdated. This article reviews the state of sexual norms and practices amongst khalījī youth, and argues that Persian Gulf states and families’ protectionist attitudes in restricting, regulating, and policing sexualities, has neither decreased the rate of sex crimes nor has it adequately defined the parameters of what is “acceptable” regarding sexual norms and behaviors. It argues that the domain of sexual norms needs to be renegotiated as a shared responsibility between the family unit and the state, considering that many youths’ mental and physical well-being is often contingent on the provision of sufficient sexual information, counseling, and education in their respective societies.


2000 ◽  
pp. 398-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amiya Kumar Bagchi

Like most human institutions—the family, the village, the city, the state, customs, laws, the nation—the developmental state was born longbefore anybody thought of naming it. There are debates about when it was born, whether all developmental states (as they are usually characterized)are properly labeled, and whether there have been developmental states overlooked literature. In this paper, it will be claimed, inter alia, that indeed there were developmental states long before economists, political scientists or historians recognized them as such, and that not all developmental states, as conventionally labeled, have been true members of the select club of developmental states.


1976 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynne Foreman

In the past few years discussion concerning the composition of children's rights seems to have oscillated between the conservative statements of such august bodies as the United Nations (1) and the extreme stand of those who advocate “kid power”. (2) The. meaning of the term “children's rights” has become obscured and is in danger of becoming a gimmicky catchphrase which ignores the broader framework of intertwining rights, interests and obligations that involve interaction between the child, the family, the State and other individuals and groups who have an interest in their welfare.


Author(s):  
Roberto Alvarez

I utilize my situated position as anthropologist, academician, and citizen to argue not only that we should “think” California, but also that we should “rethink” our state—both its condition and its social cartography. To be clear, I see all my research and endeavors—my research on the US/Mexico border; my time among the markets and entrepreneurs I have worked and lived with; my focus on those places in which I was raised: Lemon Grove, Logan Heights; the family network and my community ethnographic work—as personal. I am in this academic game and the telling of our story because it is personal. When Lemon Grove was segregated, it was about my family; when Logan Heights was split by the construction of Interstate 5 and threatened by police surveillance, it was about our community; when the border was sanctioned and militarized it again was about the communities of which I am a part. A rethinking California is rooted in the experience of living California, of knowing and feeling the condition and the struggles we are experiencing and the crises we have gone through. We need to rethink California, especially the current failure of the state. This too is ultimately personal, because it affects each and every one of us, especially those historically unrepresented folks who have endured over the decades.


Author(s):  
VICTOR BURLACHUK

At the end of the twentieth century, questions of a secondary nature suddenly became topical: what do we remember and who owns the memory? Memory as one of the mental characteristics of an individual’s activity is complemented by the concept of collective memory, which requires a different method of analysis than the activity of a separate individual. In the 1970s, a situation arose that gave rise to the so-called "historical politics" or "memory politics." If philosophical studies of memory problems of the 30’s and 40’s of the twentieth century were focused mainly on the peculiarities of perception of the past in the individual and collective consciousness and did not go beyond scientific discussions, then half a century later the situation has changed dramatically. The problem of memory has found its political sound: historians and sociologists, politicians and representatives of the media have entered the discourse on memory. Modern society, including all social, ethnic and family groups, has undergone a profound change in the traditional attitude towards the past, which has been associated with changes in the structure of government. In connection with the discrediting of the Soviet Union, the rapid decline of the Communist Party and its ideology, there was a collapse of Marxism, which provided for a certain model of time and history. The end of the revolutionary idea, a powerful vector that indicated the direction of historical time into the future, inevitably led to a rapid change in perception of the past. Three models of the future, which, according to Pierre Nora, defined the face of the past (the future as a restoration of the past, the future as progress and the future as a revolution) that existed until recently, have now lost their relevance. Today, absolute uncertainty hangs over the future. The inability to predict the future poses certain challenges to the present. The end of any teleology of history imposes on the present a debt of memory. Features of the life of memory, the specifics of its state and functioning directly affect the state of identity, both personal and collective. Distortion of memory, its incorrect work, and its ideological manipulation can give rise to an identity crisis. The memorial phenomenon is a certain political resource in a situation of severe socio-political breaks and changes. In the conditions of the economic crisis and in the absence of a real and clear program for future development, the state often seeks to turn memory into the main element of national consolidation.


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