scholarly journals Decentralization of the Ukrainian authorities: concept, introduction, results of its stag (2014–2018)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Hennadii Kryvchyk

The purpose of the paper is to highlight the process of decentralizing power in Ukraine, using historical methodology. First of all, dialectics, that is, the fragmentation of the process in the unity of its contradictions, and the principle of historicism, which requires comprehension of the essence of a particular historical period and the discovery of its immanent features.Subject of democratic reforms in Ukraine is extremely important, so this topic is widely studied by experts in the field of public administration, economics, law, sociology. Among the most topical ones is the problem of introducing and implementing a modern decentralization reform in Ukraine. Most publications contain analysis of problems and recommendations for reform. However, unfortunately, we must note that some publications of our colleagues is not so much scientific as information and propaganda. In addition, the problem is still beyond the control of historical science. Including the fact that this reform is not yet completed, only the first stage has passed. It is believed that historians have not yet come the time to analyze current processes and current phenomena. Because we believe that the processes of modern democratic reforms in Ukraine are no less interesting and relevant to historians than for specialists from other humanities. Strength and social health of the state are determined not only by the respective qualities of state administration, but also by the inclusion of the society itself, the strengthening of local self-government, the involvement of the energy of the entire population, the creation of civil society. That is why the most urgent tasks to be solved in the course of the development of the Ukrainian state were the task of developing local self-government and decentralization of power. Unfortunately, the relevant attempts made during 1990-2013 were half-hearted and generally unsuccessful because of the reluctance of the central government to give real rights and powers to local self-government, territorial communities. Starting in 2014, a decentralized government reform is being introduced in Ukraine, the first phase of which was completed in 2018. At this stage, emphasis was placed on the creation of united territorial communities and the provision of certain economic and financial autonomy. The Ukrainian authorities categorically rejected any proposals on federalization and regionalization, that is, the provision of autonomy to regions and the real strengthening of regional authorities. At the same time, she showed extraordinary activity, determination and persistence in creating united territorial communities. At the same time, despite the promised voluntary, central authorities sometimes used various direct and covert coercive methods. Overall, the goal was achieved. However, the strengthening of the independence of the communities of large cities has, in practice, strengthened the local elites, which became more authoritative and influential than the nation-wide politicians, who were mostly characterized by incompetence and abuse of their powers for their own enrichment. As a result, in Ukraine there was a threat of federalization, which the central government fears. Large cities can become the basis for such federalization in the face of a fall in confidence in the central government. Local government democracy could be more obvious in the event of a decentralization reform on all fronts: the constitutional and legal provision of self-government, the creation of executive committees of regional and district councils with the proper authority, governors' election, the establishment of appointed commissioners and prefects with strictly supervisory functions, such as it is accepted in most developed countries of the world. Obviously, such measures can not in any way endanger the unity, unity of the state, if the state is truly authoritative, strong and legal. After all, in the state - as in a separate team: if it is headed by a true leader, every employee is a creative person, and not an obediently gray performer.

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-45
Author(s):  
Hennadiу Kryvchyk

Decentralization and coronavirus - these are the two words that have recently been most often used in the information space of Ukraine. Therefore, the relevance of the topic of this article is twofold, as it stems from two current social and political issues addressed in the article - the fight against coronavirus and the fateful reform of decentralization of power for Ukraine. The purpose of the article is an objective analysis of the process of decentralization of power in the face of a serious challenge facing the Ukrainian state due to the coronavirus pandemic. The methodology of historical science is used for this purpose. The study is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, specificity, systematics; analytical, descriptive methods were used in writing the article. The events of the final stage of the decentralization reform phase (2020) are considered, when the tasks of consolidation of districts, formation of a new administrative-territorial structure of the country, holding elections to new district councils and communities were solved. At the same time, all this was carried out in the context of the economic crisis, the coronavirus pandemic, the decline in the living standards of most people, and the decline in confidence in all branches of government. An important problem of decentralization of power has been the balance of state and regional interests, the establishment of interaction between the central government and local elites, mayors of large cities, whose role has increased due to anti-virus measures. An indicator of this was the successful performance in the local elections of regional parties and personally acting mayors. The novelty of the article is that it first considers the reform of decentralization of public administration in an unprecedented pandemic, which threatened the survival of large masses of people, the economy, the social order of Ukraine. Like most countries in the world.


2011 ◽  
Vol 332-334 ◽  
pp. 420-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heng Zhong ◽  
Yu Mei Cui ◽  
Dan Mao

“Shoso-in” is located behind the Hall of Great Buddha of Todaiji Temple in Nara city of Japan and it is known to the world with its storage of cultural relics of successive dynasties, most of which are valuables handed down from Japan’s royalty, nobility and Buddhist assembly in Nara and Heian periods of Japan. At that time, Japan's central government, princedoms, regional governments, including many large monasteries, had the establishment of “official warehouse”, which served as the main storehouse for storing rice expropriated by the state as well as silk, iron products and other property and the various storerooms were divided into different blocks to form “Shoso-in”. Today, only the Shoso-in of Todaiji Temple stands the test of the long history and others have disappeared. Since the 8th year of Meiji Period, Shoso-in broke away from Todaiji Temple and is under state administration and Japan government ordered to permanently conserve the “treasures” inside. Since then, Japan Shoso-in become an authentic independent “museum”. Shoso-in in Japan is greatly favored by the world, firstly because that it boasts a history of more than 1200 years and is blessed with a great variety of collections, most of which are donated by royalties; secondly because that since the 30th year of Showa when Shoso-in in Japan is relocated from old treasure-house to the newly-structured treasure-house, the cultural relics are better protected. According to the literatures, the collections conserved in Shoso-in almost stand intact and this is rare in the history of world conservation, facilitating the investigation and repair work of researchers.


Archeion ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 215-237
Author(s):  
Zuzanna Jaśkowska-Józefiak

The legal system of the Spanish archives This article presents the legal system of the Spanish archives. Due to the specific nature of Spanish legislation, the article begins with a short introduction characterizing the sources of the Spanish law which regulate the activity of archive facilities. Since certain legal acts introduced back in the 19th century have an impact on statutes and decrees today, the main part of the text is preceded by a short historical analysis discussing legal acts devoted to archiving. The next part of the article analyses applicable nationwide legislation, starting from the Constitution of 1978, which identifies 17 autonomous regions and divides the competences to manage archives between central and regional authorities. Due to the decentralization of the Spanish archive network, the central archive network managed by the state administration and autonomous networks were characterized separately. The text is based on the available source literature and legal acts passed by the central government and autonomous authorities in Spain.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-85
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Kodincev

The article reveals the process of formation and functioning of structural divisions of project management bodies in the federal authorities of the Russian Federation. In the 2010s, experiments were carried out to introduce project management technologies in individual ministries and regions. Project management standards have been developed. Since 2014, a series of regulations has been adopted that introduced project management into the system of government bodies. The new system, borrowed from developed countries, takes root with great difficulty. Since 2016, the development of project management has moved into the campaign stage. The leadership of the Russian state attaches great importance to the introduction of modern management technologies in the state system, including Project management. Therefore, despite the periodic slowdown of the campaign, the implementation of project management methods in the state administration continues.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 482-491
Author(s):  
V. Dorzheeva

The article examines the history of the administrative–territorial division of the Russian Northeast in the first half of the twentieth century. The importance of this research stems from the need to analyze the historical experience information of administrative divisions against the background of developing modern federated relations. Chronology wise, the article deals with the period from the year 1917 until the establishment of the present-day boundaries of Magadan Oblast. The article analyses specific aspects of administration in the constituent territories of Magadan Oblast, based on their remoteness from the central authorities, and their economic value. Development of territorial public authorities in the Northeast during the said period was politically motivated. The Civil War saw territories being transferred to the jurisdiction of opposing forces, which affected the administrative division and the system of government authorities. The Institute of the administrative–territorial structure was aimed at the implementation of state functions in connection with certain goals and objectives of a specific historical period of development. The implementation of national policies mediated the creation of national districts. The need of the state for mineral raw materials during the period of industrialization and during the Great Patriotic War led to the creation of special extraterritorial education — Dalstroi. A special period in the history of the region was the Dalstroy era — so-called “Special Combine”, during which a two-level authority system was developed. The administrative–territorial structure was defined by functions of the state, and goals and objectives of the specific historical period. The territorial model of public authority in the Northeastern region fit within the historical context of the country’s contemporary situation.


2018 ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Robert KMIECIAK

One of the greatest achievements of the socio-political transformation process in Poland is the profound decentralization of public governance. In administrative law, decentralization is perceived as a system with a larger number of independent hubs, vested with competences in terms of public law, and a single center. Therefore, decentralization is a process of delegating certain public functions which formerly were reserved for the central government to groups of citizens organized in corporations. Although local government exemplifies decentralization it is not a one-dimensional no- tion that refers exclusively to territorial relations. In the system of representation specialized self-government bodies, formed with different criteria, play a highly significant role represen- ting the interests of various groups. They are divided into self-governing bodies focused on the economy and the professions. Formal and legal homogeneity, though, does not translate into the appropriate political position of these two forms of self-governing bodies in Poland. While the professional self-governing body is clearly an association governed by public law, the so-called economic self-governing body is based on concepts that emphasize the volunta- ry nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, associated in chambers of commerce. The differences in their legal status and the resulting powers bear no influence on the fact that both economic and professional self-governing bodies are now facing equally serious threats in Poland. In both cases these are related to how the state approaches the extra-territo- rial form of decentralization. We can speak of different motivations here. The state, or rather the state administration, is excessively interested in the professional self-governing bodies and is curbing the autonomy they have traditionally been vested with. The situation is quite different with respect to the economic self-governing bodies, where the public authorities are scarcely interested in becoming involved in supporting them. It should be realized then, that the success of Polish decentralization reform will only be complete when all forms of self-government develop harmoniously irrespective of the rela- tions between their members, whose empowerment will serve democracy and strengthen civic society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-75
Author(s):  
R. Vanlalhmangaihsanga

Under Article 356 of the constitution of India, Union Government has the right to cease the executive authority of a state and impose it under President’s Rule. However, the President’s Rule is usually exercised only when the administration of the state cannot function properly according to the provision given in the Constitution of India. When a state is imposed under President’s Rule, the Governor will have authority over the state administration and he will do so under the provision of the central government. Mizoram has also been imposed under President’s Rule thrice. The first two times was during the period in which Mizoram was a Union Territory and the third time was after it attains statehood.


2021 ◽  
pp. 139-187
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young

The chapter begins with a description of Mexico City during the early republican period. The theme of the chapter is Alamán’s first ministry, 1823-1825 (with some breaks), first under an interim triumvirate and then under the presidency of the independence hero Guadalupe Victoria. As the chief minister in the cabinet, whose portfolio embraced both interior affairs and foreign relations, Alamán dealt with such issues as the securing of sovereign loans from British banking houses, the American colonization of Texas, and the effort to force the Spanish forces out of the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, opposite the Gulf city of Veracruz. His chief preoccupation was the opposition in 1823 to the central government by several federalist chieftains in the important provinces of Nueva Galicia (shortly to be the State of Jalisco), Oaxaca, and others, in the face of which he managed to hold the country together.


Author(s):  
Gerard Sasges

Indochina’s alcohol regime is inseparable from the creation of the fiscal state. The origins of the fiscal state flowed from multiple sources: the modernizing, centralizing impulses of French officials, the civilizing mission to promote economic and social development, and new demands that colonies be financially self-supporting. Yet the particular revenue source the state chose—a state-supported private monopoly on production—was not only inequitable, but also failed to generate revenue efficiently. Nevertheless, the monopoly was created and maintained despite its flaws and in the face of resistance at almost every level of the French state. In part, this was due to powerful French statesmen like Paul Doumer, Paul Beau, and Albert Sarraut and their vision of a powerful, modern Indochinese state. Yet an even more important role was played by mid-level administrators like Antonin Frézouls and Paul Simoni, who worked with A.R. Fontaine to turn this vision into a very warped reality.


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