scholarly journals Decentralization of power in Ukraine in the conditions of the COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-45
Author(s):  
Hennadiу Kryvchyk

Decentralization and coronavirus - these are the two words that have recently been most often used in the information space of Ukraine. Therefore, the relevance of the topic of this article is twofold, as it stems from two current social and political issues addressed in the article - the fight against coronavirus and the fateful reform of decentralization of power for Ukraine. The purpose of the article is an objective analysis of the process of decentralization of power in the face of a serious challenge facing the Ukrainian state due to the coronavirus pandemic. The methodology of historical science is used for this purpose. The study is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, specificity, systematics; analytical, descriptive methods were used in writing the article. The events of the final stage of the decentralization reform phase (2020) are considered, when the tasks of consolidation of districts, formation of a new administrative-territorial structure of the country, holding elections to new district councils and communities were solved. At the same time, all this was carried out in the context of the economic crisis, the coronavirus pandemic, the decline in the living standards of most people, and the decline in confidence in all branches of government. An important problem of decentralization of power has been the balance of state and regional interests, the establishment of interaction between the central government and local elites, mayors of large cities, whose role has increased due to anti-virus measures. An indicator of this was the successful performance in the local elections of regional parties and personally acting mayors. The novelty of the article is that it first considers the reform of decentralization of public administration in an unprecedented pandemic, which threatened the survival of large masses of people, the economy, the social order of Ukraine. Like most countries in the world.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Hennadii Kryvchyk

The purpose of the paper is to highlight the process of decentralizing power in Ukraine, using historical methodology. First of all, dialectics, that is, the fragmentation of the process in the unity of its contradictions, and the principle of historicism, which requires comprehension of the essence of a particular historical period and the discovery of its immanent features.Subject of democratic reforms in Ukraine is extremely important, so this topic is widely studied by experts in the field of public administration, economics, law, sociology. Among the most topical ones is the problem of introducing and implementing a modern decentralization reform in Ukraine. Most publications contain analysis of problems and recommendations for reform. However, unfortunately, we must note that some publications of our colleagues is not so much scientific as information and propaganda. In addition, the problem is still beyond the control of historical science. Including the fact that this reform is not yet completed, only the first stage has passed. It is believed that historians have not yet come the time to analyze current processes and current phenomena. Because we believe that the processes of modern democratic reforms in Ukraine are no less interesting and relevant to historians than for specialists from other humanities. Strength and social health of the state are determined not only by the respective qualities of state administration, but also by the inclusion of the society itself, the strengthening of local self-government, the involvement of the energy of the entire population, the creation of civil society. That is why the most urgent tasks to be solved in the course of the development of the Ukrainian state were the task of developing local self-government and decentralization of power. Unfortunately, the relevant attempts made during 1990-2013 were half-hearted and generally unsuccessful because of the reluctance of the central government to give real rights and powers to local self-government, territorial communities. Starting in 2014, a decentralized government reform is being introduced in Ukraine, the first phase of which was completed in 2018. At this stage, emphasis was placed on the creation of united territorial communities and the provision of certain economic and financial autonomy. The Ukrainian authorities categorically rejected any proposals on federalization and regionalization, that is, the provision of autonomy to regions and the real strengthening of regional authorities. At the same time, she showed extraordinary activity, determination and persistence in creating united territorial communities. At the same time, despite the promised voluntary, central authorities sometimes used various direct and covert coercive methods. Overall, the goal was achieved. However, the strengthening of the independence of the communities of large cities has, in practice, strengthened the local elites, which became more authoritative and influential than the nation-wide politicians, who were mostly characterized by incompetence and abuse of their powers for their own enrichment. As a result, in Ukraine there was a threat of federalization, which the central government fears. Large cities can become the basis for such federalization in the face of a fall in confidence in the central government. Local government democracy could be more obvious in the event of a decentralization reform on all fronts: the constitutional and legal provision of self-government, the creation of executive committees of regional and district councils with the proper authority, governors' election, the establishment of appointed commissioners and prefects with strictly supervisory functions, such as it is accepted in most developed countries of the world. Obviously, such measures can not in any way endanger the unity, unity of the state, if the state is truly authoritative, strong and legal. After all, in the state - as in a separate team: if it is headed by a true leader, every employee is a creative person, and not an obediently gray performer.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Roman Savenkov

The article focuses on the major stages of development of Alexei Navalny’s social movement in 2017-2019 on the federal and regional levels. The movement aims to form and mobilize the supporters of Alexei Navalny in the movement’s structural elements to carry out opposition activities in large cities. In the long-term, the movement wants their activists to participate in regional and local elections. The movement is developing in the context of slowly growing socio-economic and political dissatisfaction in the country and the government’s aim to restrict public expression of concern. The conditions make the movement look for new formats of manifesting people’s discontent. The weakness of the movement is Alexei Navalny’s non-eligibility to hold the office and absence of Navalny’s political party. His image of a “fringe” and “protesting” politician created by the television media prevents him from becoming a respectable and worthy of support politician for the majority of Russians.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-61
Author(s):  
Muhammad Himmatur Riza

The Covid-19 pandemic has plagued all over the world. Many aspects of the social order have changed including da'wah activities. The development and existence of technology and restrictions on various religious activities during the Covid-19 pandemic are challenges and opportunities in da'wah activities. Research conducted is literature research that is by collecting data from various sources of references that already exist. The result of this research indicates that the speaker is required to have mastery in the field of technology and continuously to upgrade soft skills to preach in this era. The method that must be modern and practical dawah material becomes a bargaining value that is in demand by the community. This provides an opportunity for dai to document all forms of activities that are da'wah and can also publish muslims and the dynamics of their developing lives. Dai's role must be able to adapt and compete with the globalization of information technology that is already rapidly evolving and liberally controlled by the west, so as to build a new civilization of the face of Islam in the Islamic preaching activities.Keywords: Digitization of Da'wah, Covid-19 Pandemic, Islamic Civilization.Abstrak Pandemi Covid-19 telah mewabah dunia. Banyak aspek tatanan kehidupan sosial mengalami perubahan termasuk dalam kegiatan dakwah. Adanya perkembangan dan keberadaan teknologi serta pembatasan berbagai kegiatan keagamaan di masa pandemi Covid-19 menjadi tantangan dan peluang dalam kegiatan dakwah. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan berbasis data kepustakaan yaitu dengan mengumpulkan data dari berbagai sumber referensi yang sudah ada. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa dai atau penceramah dituntut untuk memiliki penguasaan dibidang teknologi dan terus menerus untuk mengupgrade soft skill guna mampu berdakwah di era sekarang ini. Metode yang harus dimodernisasi dan materi dakwah yang praktis menjadi nilai tawar yang diminati oleh masyarakat. Hal ini memberikan peluang bagi para dai untuk mendokumentasikan segala bentuk kegiatan yang bersifat dakwah dan juga dapat mempublikasikan umat islam beserta dinamika kehidupannya yang sedang berkembang. Peran dai harus mampu beradaptasi dan bersaing dengan globalisasi teknologi informasi yang dikuasai yang sudah secara pesat berkembang dan dikuasai secara liberal oleh barat, sehingga mampu membangun peradaban baru wajah Islam dalam berdakwah.Kata kunci: Digitalisasi Dakwah, Pandemi Covid-19, Peradaban Islam.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (4) ◽  
pp. 68-87
Author(s):  
Iryna DULSKA ◽  

The directions, levers of expansion of digitalization of spheres of activity of territorial communities and local self-government bodies in Ukraine, which in the conditions of reforms of decentralization and administrative-territorial system received a considerable volume of powers, considering available technological, institutional, financial preconditions, are investigated. The experience of local self-government bodies in expanding the range of application of digitalization of territorial communities for their smart specialization and finding sources of funding for digital infrastructure development projects is studied. Thus, a significant proportion of them plan to create e-registers of their resources (human (demographic), natural, land, real estate, business, recreational and tourist, etc.) for a number of reasons: i) as a result of administrative reform (consolidation of the district network) there is a need for redistribution between district councils of reorganized districts (490 units before) and consolidated newly created ones (136 units now); ii) decentralization reform continues with the redistribution of powers between local executive bodies and district councils and between them and the united territorial communities in the newly created districts; iii) the process of transformation of project territorial communities (1473 units) into united territorial communities by creating new ones or joining existing united territorial communities is still underway; iv) powers are redistributed between the new bodies of local self-government and territorial subdivisions of the central bodies of executive power within the framework of their transformation into bodies according to the type of prefectures (for control of observance of the legislation). Difficulties of succession of legal entities with the transfer of property, land exist due to the fact that new self-government bodies were created after the local elections of October 25, 2020, and legislation on succession has not been adopted (exists in the status of the draft Law of Ukraine), while changes to the Budget Code of Ukraine with the new administrative-territorial structure of Ukraine and the formation of new subjects of power at the level of united territorial communities have been introduced by law. The digitalization of the territorial communities is also particularly important during the COVID-19 pandemic, when sectors that meet the basic needs of modern man are moving online, minimizing the need to leave home to live, do business and be productive.


Author(s):  
Lorena Carrillo González

En más de cinco décadas de confrontación armada, generaciones enteras aprendieron a vivir en medio de ella, compartiendo cotidianidades con los distintos actores armados y regulando su diario vivir conforme a la toma de algunas decisiones estratégicas de la guerra. Presento aquí una mirada etnográfica sobre las experiencias desarrolladas en una de las regiones más emblemáticas para la guerra en Colombia, la región de El Pato, centrada en la forma en la que se planearon, diseñaron y construyeron unas normas de convivencia comunitarias tanto por campesinos y campesinas, como por miembros de la insurgencia de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo, Farc-EP, para concertar la regulación del orden social en esa localidad campesina. Tomo esta construcción conjunta para mostrar que en los territorios colombianos la guerra ha significado más que violencias.Palabras Clave: Farc-EP, Acuerdos de paz, Comunidades campesinas, Vida cotidiana, Territorio, Región de El Pato ABSTRACT"WE WILL NO LONGER BE ABLE TO LEAVE THE DOORS OPEN": TERRITORIAL EXPERIENCES IN THE FACE OF THE CURRENT PEACE PROCESS IN COLOMBIA. A LOOK AT EL PATO REGIONIn more than five decades of armed confrontation, many generations learned to live in it, sharing the everyday life with different armed groups and regulating their daily lives as some strategic decisions of war. I present here an ethnographic look at the experiences in one of the most emblematic regions for the war in Colombia: El Pato. Focusing on how they were planned, designed and constructed rules of community living, both peasants and members of the insurgency of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army, FARC-EP , to arrange regulation the social order in this rural town . I take this joint construction to show that in Colombian´s territory war has meant more than violence.Key Words: Farc-EP, Peace agreements, Peasant communities, Everyday life, Territory, Region of El Pato


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Pandu Hyangsewu

Perkembangan zaman yang begitu cepat tidak dapat dipungkiri lagi akan mempengaruhi kehidupan manusia. Globalisasi yang terjadi sudah mengubah pola kehidupan manusia, dimana dampaknya bukan hanya efek positif melainkan dapat menghadirkan efek negatif pula. Pengaruh globalisasi saat ini sudah melarutkan nilai-nilai Pendidikan Agama Islam mulai dari tatanan kebudayaan, adat istiadat dan nilai-nilai luhur ajaran Islam. Padahal Pendidikan Agama Islam mempunyai peranan yang penting dalam kehidupan manusia sebagai pendidikan yang bersifat mutlak, Pendidikan Agama Islam perlu dioptimlkan sebagai usaha pengembangan potensi diri agar tidak mudah terjerumus dalam gelapnya kehidupan di era globalisasi. Untuk itu, perlu diketahui berbagai macam tantangan dan antisipasi yang dapat dilakukan melalui Pendidikan Agama Islam di tengah arus globalisasi. Tujuan artikel ini untuk menjelaskan permasalahan Pendidikan Agama Islam saat ini dan bagaimana cara mengantisipasinya dalam menghadapi era globalisasi. Data dalam tulisan ini menggunakan studi literatur yang dianalisis secara deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa globalisasi dapat menjadi peluang sekaligus tantangan bagi Pendidikan Agama Islam. Arus globalisasi bukan sebagai kawan ataupun lawan bagi Pendidikan Agama Islam, melainkan sebagai dinamisator. Ketika Pendidikan Agama Islam tidak mengikuti arus globalisasi  maka akan mengalami hambatan intelektual. Sebaliknya, ketika Pendidikan Agama Islam mengikuti arus globalisasi tanpa berlandaskan pada keislaman maka akan terlindas dan tidak tahu arah. Oleh karena itu, Pendidikan Agama Islam harus memposisikan diri di tengah arus globalisasi  dalam arti yang sesuai dengan pedoman dan ajaran nilai-nilai Islam agar dapat diadopsi dan dikembangkan pada kehidupan manusia   The development of the era is so fast undeniably it will affect human life, Globalization has changed the pattern of human life, where the impact is not only a positive effect but can also bring adverse consequences. The influence of globalization now has dissolved the values ​​of Islamic religious education, starting from the social order, customs, and ethical values ​​of Islamic teachings. Even though Islamic education has an essential role in human life, as a comprehensive education, Islamic religious education needs to be optimized as an effort to develop self-potential, so as not to fall prey to the darkness of life in the era of globalization. For this reason, we need to know various kinds of challenges and anticipation that can be done, through Islamic religious education amid globalization. The purpose of this article is to explain the current issue of Islamic religious education and how to anticipate it in the face of the era of globalization. The data in this paper uses literature studies which are analyzed descriptively. The results of the survey show that globalization can be an opportunity as well as a challenge for Islamic religious education. The current of globalization is neither a friend nor an opponent for Islamic religious education but as a dynamism. When Islamic religious education does not follow the flow of globalization, it will experience mental obstacles. Conversely, when Islamic religious education follows the flow of globalization without being, based on Islam. It will get run over and don't know the direction. Therefore, Islamic religious education must position itself in the midst of globalization. in a sense that is by the guidelines and teachings of Islamic values ​​so that they can be adopted and developed in human life


Author(s):  
Michael C. Legaspi

For Socrates, wisdom begins with the recognition of a moral order that identifies human flourishing with the life of virtue. The virtuous individual lives in harmony with a world governed by divine benevolence and characterized by justice. Because virtue is found in people in varying degrees, the social order is not necessarily ordered to wisdom and is, at times, inimical to it. Social life is the venue for a pursuit of wisdom in which rational discourse—as opposed to power and manipulation—structures a search for the good. Rational discourse, however, also reveals human moral and intellectual limitations, such that any claim to know what is good must be held tentatively and kept open to revision. In the face of human ignorance and hostility, loyalty to the good is sustained by piety, or reverence for the good, and by integrity, the refusal to give up one’s own just life.


1984 ◽  
Vol 24 (93) ◽  
pp. 15-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Gillespie

Historians of any pre-industrial society, such as early seventeenth-century Ireland, must devote the bulk of their energies to the study of the rural world. Rural society, however, cannot be studied in isolation without a serious distortion of the reality of the social structure, since the urban element, although subsidiary, was nevertheless an important feature of pre-industrial society. There are, however, considerable problems in studying urban history in early modern Ulster since the sources can only be described as meagre. The basic sources used by many English early modern urban historians, the corporation records, are missing for all but a few Ulster towns. Only Belfast and Carrickfergus have corporation books for the pre-1641 period. The dearth of other important sources, such as freemen's rolls, means that areas of human activity such as the occupational structure of Ulster towns cannot be demonstrated with the accuracy that English early modern historians have been able to attain. Nor will it be possible to chart the detail of the day-to-day administrative or political structures of towns. Topics such as local elections, the minutiae of poor relief, and law and order must remain relatively shadowy This is not to argue that the history of the Ulster town cannot be written. The work of R. J. Hunter has demonstrated that it is possible by using fragments of central government and local records not only to reconstruct the administrative context of the establishment of towns but also to discover the social, economic, and political structures of individual towns. Ulster towns are among the better documented principal towns in Ireland for the early modern period. The interest of central government in the development of the plantation produced a number of surveys which shed considerable light on urban development. Indeed two of the principal towns in Ulster, Coleraine and Derry, are well documented because of the disputes which surrounded the activities of their developers, the Irish Society, and a rival planter, Sir Thomas Phillips. Ulster also provides an important case study in urbanisation since it contained an older pre-seventeenth-century urban network which was expanded and developed as part of both the informal colonisation and the more formal plantation scheme in Ulster. It is the aim of this paper to examine the development of this new urban network.


PMLA ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 127 (4) ◽  
pp. 809-819
Author(s):  
Carolyn Steedman

Labor was an analytic category in the long english eighteenth century, but was work equally so? Is there any point in discovering a difference between the two? Lawyers and high-court judges, philosophers, physiologists, and prelates worked hard at the business of defining labor, over many years. Their formulations provided the legal and conceptual underpinnings of a new form of society born of the era of revolutions (political, philosophical, industrial; American, Atlantic, French). Here was a template for social knowledge in an emerging class society. Society was divided into propertied and propertyless; the propertyless were compelled by material need to put their labor at the disposal of the propertied. The labor of the poor was a country's natural resource, like its soil and seas and mines; it fell to the propertied to deploy this resource for the national benefit. British philosophers and physicists analyzed labor as a form of energy, often drawing an analogy between it and another great resource of the nation, its horses. Working men and women and horses were bound together in the deep structure of political thinking about labor and the social order. For eighteenth-century theorists, legislators, and farmers, the horse was the immanent measure of labor power and labor time. A horse was a measure of labor itself. There were perhaps a million horses in England and Wales in the late eighteenth century, about half of them workhorses in farming. The contribution of their dung to cereal-crop yield is attested to by economic and agricultural historians (Wrigley, Continuity 35–46; Gerhold; Turner). Horses were one reason the nation was, by and large, able to feed an increased population out of its own natural resources and sources of labor power, unlike other European countries in the period 1660–1820 (Wrigley, Poverty 44–67). The importance of the horse to agricultural productivity seems assured, though some contemporary economists, in the face of harvest failures in the 1790s and ongoing crises of dearth, complained of too many horses and of the vast amount of grain and labor spent in foddering and caring for them (Crafts; Brooke 1–34).


2002 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-22
Author(s):  
Tobin Im

The purpose of this paper is to examine the evolution of the intergovernmental relations in Korea since the decentralization reforms begun in 1991. This study evaluates the Korean experience of 10 years of decentralization has significantly changed the decision-making structure in the country. Even though the apparent framework of tiers and local governments are the same as those before decentralization reform, the real number of decision-making units has increased and a new decision making structure has emerged since the introduction of local elections. The creation of local council as well as the elections of heads of local government brought about the loss of the central government’s controlling power over local governments. However many people are not satisfied with the actual state of decentralization. Constrains and limits that most local governments face support this thesis. In this point of view, the experience of the last ten years can be summarized as ‘controlled decentralization’. However, the central government is not totally responsible for this dissatisfaction. Citizens’ low participation and local governments’ incapacity and inefficiency are also responsible. These resulted in ‘the New Iron Triangle’ Model of decision making.


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