scholarly journals Political issues in contemporary art of Ukraine

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-192
Author(s):  
Natalia Usenko

At the beginning of the XXI century Ukrainian art observed activization of the artist’s interest for the political life of the country. The starting point was 2004, marked by protests against unfair elections in the country, the birth of the first “Maidan” and “Orange revolution”. In a number of artistic actions organized by art groups we can see the reflection of the revolution events and, later, the frustrations of its ideals. The most striking manifestation of political issues in contemporary art in Ukraine was the great creativity following the second “Maidan” (2013). In this spontaneous Performance everyone plays a role: the participants are the protesters, official persons, fighters of “Berkut” and interior force troops, journalists and others. Protesters’ tents, barricades, a statue of Lenin and “Maidan” itself (or Independence Square) as a place of free will and creativity became the Symbols of the “Maidan” and its own art objects.

Author(s):  
Marina Gold

AbstractThis paper will consider two levels within the study of the Cuban revolution: the meta-narratives of change and continuity that determine the academic literature on Cuba and inform political positioning in relation to the revolution, and the methodological challenges in understanding how people in Cuba experience change and continuity in their daily life. Transformation and continuity have been the two dominant analytical tropes used to interpret Cuban social and political life since the overthrow of the Batista regime in 1959. For Cuban scholars and politicians, a focus on change in reference to what was Cuba’s reality before the Revolution is a continuous concern and a powerful discursive mechanism in redefining and reinvigorating the revolutionary project. Simultaneously, in periods of crisis throughout the 62 years since the revolution, the capacity to demonstrate continuity with revolutionary principles while developing new mechanisms to redefine the political project has ensured the revolution’s subsistence. Conversely, continuity and change are also harnessed by critics of Cuba’s current regime to articulate the ever-imminent collapse of socialism in the region. Change has been their main focus of concern during critical historic moments that affected the trajectory of the Cuban revolutionary project. From this perspective, change embodies a promise of progress and implies a movement toward liberal democracy and a pro-US foreign policy, while continuity denotes failure, stagnation, and repression. At the core of the analysis of change in Cuba lies a concern with the nature of the state. Ethnographic data reveals the partialities and contradictions people experience in their daily life and across time. Two elements of ethnographic experience are particularly informative: life histories that span across the revolutionary period, and generational conflicts surrounding political issues. I will focus on the life history of key informants and the generational conflicts that surround their experience, a well as their material contexts (their neighborhood, their house, their job), all of which help to elucidate the complexities of studying change within a permanent revolution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Muhammad Wahdini

This paper discusses the thoughts of Muhammad Sa'id Ramadhan Al-Buthi in the political field. Al-Buthi is a figure that is considered by some to be controversial because it is close to the Al-Assad regime, which in fact the majority of scholars hate the Al-Assad regime which is considered wrong. This paper is the result of a study of several literary literature relating to Al-Buthi's political conception. In this case Al-Buthi places more emphasis on moderation which leads to the unity of a country. His socio-political experience in the struggle over political issues in Suriah led him to very moderate thinking. His rejection of the revolution and more agree with reform because of the comparative advantage of the two. Al-Buthi emphasizes more on how moderate politics he prioritizes the creation of unity in the state of the nation so that its benefits for citizens are met. In addition to his rejection of extreme ways of politics he also placed women's representation as part of a government


1970 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pat Rogers

The text for this essay comes from Sir Lewis Namier. “One has to steep oneself in the political life of a period,” so the decree reads, “before one can safely speak, or be sure of understanding, its language.” This article is an attempt to supply, not a complete grammar of Augustan politics, but a minor lexicographical entry. Historians sometimes talk as though the most urgent need were for an advanced glossary. The assumption behind this essay is that a more elementary gradus is required. The two key words under review, “party” and “faction,” have always occupied neighbouring berths in the British synonymy. Unfortunately, in the eighteenth-century vocabulary of politics, they became overlapping concepts. Or rather — this is the trouble — they sometimes merged, partially or completely; sometimes they did not; and sometimes they were even employed as antonymous terms. Examples of all these contrary applications are found in the work of Swift and Bolingbroke. As with other lexicographical enquiries, then, usage and abusage must be considered, as well as the simple dictionary definition of these terms.IEdmund Burke is still, in some quarters, valued more highly as a prophet than as a political thinker. His forecasts of the likely course of the Revolution have brought him a reputation for the occult among those who hold his moral views in little esteem, even though he may be regarded, most unfairly, as a sorcerer's apprentice who was engulfed by his own charmed vision.


1997 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 115-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Chibnall

When Eusebius set out to write an Ecclesiastical History he claimed to be ‘the first to undertake this present project and to attempt, as it were, to travel along a lonely and untrodden path’. The claim was justified: there had been little room for religious history, even the history of pagan religions, in the works of classical historians and their imitators. Following the rules laid down by Thucydides, they concentrated on the political life of the present and its military consequences; they preferred oral to written sources, provided the historian had either been present at the scene of action or had heard reports from eyewitnesses. Both in method and in content Eusebius was an innovator. Since his starting point was ‘the beginning of the dispensation of Jesus’ he was entirely dependent on written sources for more than three hundred years; and, innovating still more, he introduced documents such as letters and imperial edicts into his narrative. Far from being political and military, his subject matter was primarily the history of the apostles, the succession of bishops, the persecutions of Christians, and the views of heretics. He was widening the scope of historical writing and using the techniques previously employed in the biographies of philosophers. It is not surprising that, once his work had been translated into Latin and extended by Rufinus and Jerome, it became the starting point for writers on ecclesiastical history for generations to come.


2011 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Ceaser

AbstractAlexis de Tocqueville's account of the formation of the American regime identifies two constitutive moments: the Puritan colonization and the Revolution and the Constitution (1775–1789). Contrary to historians of the day, Tocqueville gave as much credit to the Puritans as to the Founders. Yet far from being a pure history, Tocqueville's narrative also had the purpose of promoting a new political foundation that replaced the philosophical doctrine of natural rights with an account based on “Customary History.” Tocqueville's approach was intended to further a great theoretical project inaugurated by Montesquieu that offered an alternative model to the mainstream Enlightenment position for how political philosophy should enter into and influence political life. This article analyzes the two-founding thesis, explores the underlying theoretical project on foundations of Tocqueville and Montesquieu, and presents and assesses the debate on the merits of attempting to change the political foundation of the American regime.


1964 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kemal H. Karpat

The internal political life of Turkey since the revolution of 1960 JL has been beset by military coups and conflicts between political parties and social groups far more frequent and intensive than might normally be expected in a post-revolutionary period. This unrest contrasts sharply with the political stability which prevailed before 1960, and comes after a series of constitutional changes intended to establish a better system for orderly change and control of government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Igor Grebenkin

The article is devoted to the Russian army position in the political process during the revolution of 1917 in Russia. The war period army identity as a social phenomenon, the conditions of its transformation into country political life subject are discussed. The character and the causes of the social political climate of different military men categories on the eve of the revolution are determined. The role of military contingents, institutes, central military figures in the main political events of 1917, such as February and October revolutions, July political crisis, General L. G. Kornilov’s march-off is represented. The main regulatory acts of the new government concerning the army, such as Order 1 of Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies and “Declaration of a Soldier and Citizen Rights”, and their influence on the development of the inside situation in the army are considered. The special focus is on the main courses of the army life politization and the political military men’s activity, that are the work of army offices, military social organizations, volunteer campaigns in the front line and the back land. The stages and the particular characteristics of the political leaders and military command authority cooperation are specified.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Jesse Montgomery

This paper examines the role of country music in the political life of the Young Patriots, a radical leftist group composed of white southern migrants to Chicago that allied with the Black Panther Party during the 1960s and 1970s. It begins by taking up scholarly accounts of the Republican Party's strategic embrace of country music during the era before examining the ways in which the Young Patriots used country music as a tool to organize in their local community. It argues that by grounding their analysis of country in the political economy of their neighborhood of Uptown Chicago, and institutions particular to migrant enclaves—especially the urban “hillbilly bar”—the Young Patriots offered an interpretation of country's politics that runs counter to the racialized business logic that governed Music Row and White House as well as more contemporary narratives about country music's essential political intransigence. Finally, it offers provisional thoughts on how this case study illustrates a fundamental challenge for political progressives invested in country music: how to organize the complexity of a genre whose politics were—like the politics of the working-class—often divided against itself and expressed in deeply contradictory ways with regards to central political issues like race, gender, and the nation, and what it means to put those organized politics to work.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (86) ◽  
Author(s):  
Larysa Taranenko ◽  
◽  

The paper is focused on the study of functional-and-pragmatic features of English aphorisms actualized in the political discourse. Since aphorisms contain the long-standing wisdom of the whole humanity in general and of each nation in particular, they have become a persuasive and argumentative tool in the political sphere. Even though the notion of an “aphorism” is interpreted in different ways in various linguistic studies, in our paper it is viewed both as a small form text and as a specific means of communication. The aphorism is characterized by a high level of its idea abstraction, concentration of the emotional-and-pragmatic potential as well as conciseness of information. All these genre features of an aphorism are transmitted to the audience by the interaction of typical language means of different levels. The paper demonstrates the increasing role performed by the language in the political life of modern society in general and by the aphorism as a powerful instrument of political leaders to influence the audience, in particular. The analysis of 100 aphorisms representing various political topics of different times and by different authors reveals that according to the criterion of the text pragmatic orientation it is expedient to classify all the aphorisms under study into those that induce the listener/reader to action and the ones that evaluate a certain phenomenon or event. As a result of the study it was shown that regardless their pragmatic orientation, the invariant linguistic means actualizing political aphorisms are the metaphor, antithesis, repetition and simile. In terms of their syntactic structure, the majority of aphorisms consist of one sentence only being of a complex nature that severs for precise and laconic conveying of serious social and political issues. These mean’s interplay provides activating the recipients’ cognitive-and-creating mechanism, inducing them to ponder over the expressed ideas and views. By using aphorisms in their speeches, politicians express their opinions not only more succinctly and informatively, but also more emotionally coloured and thus convincingly.


Author(s):  
Biancamaria Fontana

This chapter talks about how Staël used the time of her exile to complete the book she had begun after her flight from Paris in September 1792—a study of the influence of passions on individual and collective happiness. Following what seems a recurrent pattern in her life, frustration over some immediate practical object led her to invest in some more durable intellectual project. Unlike the pamphlets she had published during the Revolution, Of the Influence of Passions was conceived as a philosophical work, rather than as an occasional intervention in the political debate—though in the end the content of the text was probably closer to contemporary political issues than the writer had originally intended.


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