“Traditions” from Folklore Studies to Media Product and the Beginnings of Broadcasting in Romania

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-38
Author(s):  
Corina Iosif

The rhetorical logic of the discourse which is currently building the image of the junction between tradition and nation (and of the concepts thus required) is also due to processing this discourse in the media. That is to say that the connection between media communication and the political instrumentalization of traditions as a domain of national constructs has offered proper soil for shaping the political and ideological narratives based on nation. The use of some concepts, such as nation, national culture, traditions and folklore in the first decades of the 20th century, and their instrumentalization as radio products, created the premises and particularly the pattern of some specific discursive constructions regarding the nation- state. These were meant to be integrated, embraced and, especially, reproduced on a large scale. Therefore, the discourse focused on national identity – with all its constitutive elements (the state, the language, the history and traditions) – could disseminate a unique hypostasis, shaped under political control, which thus legitimated it. From 1928, the year when the first radio programs were broadcast, until directly after the 1950s, when the recording of the radio programs on magnetic tape was a common professional practice, the only documents that could be considered today are the written texts of the radio programs (conferences, educational or informative programs, political, agricultural news, etc.). Between 1925, when The Romanian Society of Radiotelephony was established, and 1948, the year when the communist regime officially came into power, Romanian radio programs broadcast discourses on a broad range of topics and for a large audience. The present study focuses on the ethnological one. We are interested in how the ethnological discourse rooted in the aforementioned time period also built a media hypostasis for addressing the entire society, and in how programs dedicated to “traditions” bear the signs of this structuring process.

Arta ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-105
Author(s):  
Alexandru Bohantov ◽  

The seventh decade of the XX century of the communist regime is significant in many ways. First of all, it is through the brief “liberalization” of the political, social and cultural life of the former Soviet country, which followed the Stalinist frost of sadness. Nonetheless, the ideological constraints in the field of culture and the media have not completely disappeared. A fundamental feature of the research paradigm of British cultural studies explains that no cultural-artistic practice or cultural product can be understood out of context that is why the study of identity dimensions of media culture in the given period requires a complex grid of analysis. The factual state of culture in general, but also of media communication in particular, can be fully understood only if we proceed to a deconstruction of the mechanisms of propagandistic transfiguration of “socialist reality” and of the cultural or media discourse in the society of those times.


Author(s):  
Jelenka Voćkić Avdagić

Education in the field of method and form of communication is the basis of social understanding and an important part of the answer to the question of the possibilities and ways of (self)protection of citizen from the constant flow of new information, commercial interests and, in general, huge amount of „unfiltered” information, whose value they must evaluate themselves. That is why media education should be perceived as a part of the basic rights of every citizen and the media literacy, which is in our country mainly depending on donations and often comes down to the formalization of some of its aspects (industry, messages, media communication, audience, influence...). Furthermore, it must be a part of public policy, despite the fact that the political and economic elite are not interested in changing anything essential in that field.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Indra Setia Bakti ◽  
Khairul Amin

As a newcomer, the Perindo Party seeks to implement a specific strategy in order to compete with other parties that have already existed in the Indonesian political contestation. One of these is charity show programs. The high rating and concern societies watching the lives of poor people in various charity programs show besides creating profits also become a means of political communication. When political actors control the media, it is clear that there are interests also communicated, including the political powers of the funnel to get support from voters. When the Perindo Party is declared, the "scent" that HT and his party would use the media under their control is very clear. These signals can also be observed from the dominance of HT’s trusted people in the MNC Group in the composition of the Central Management Board Center, the Assembly of the Union Party and the court of Perindo party. That mean a charity program not only gives a very big business profit, but also the political media communication, enhance social branding in front of audiences, and build a base of loyal voters from poor family beneficiaries. To finishing this paper, the author uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The data in this article sourced from observations, studies of literature, and other sources considered relevant and then analyzed by the exchange theory of Peter Blau.


Author(s):  
Erik Bleich ◽  
Maurits van der Veen

For decades, scholars and observers have criticized negative media portrayals of Muslims and Islam. Yet most of these critiques are limited by their focus on one specific location, a limited time period, or a single outlet. This book offers the first systematic, large-scale analysis of American newspaper coverage of Muslims through comparisons across groups, time, countries, and topics. It demonstrates conclusively that coverage of Muslims is strikingly negative by every comparative measure examined. Muslim articles are negative relative to those touching on Catholics, Jews, or Hindus, and to those mentioning marginalized groups within the United States as diverse as African Americans, Latinos, Mormons, and atheists. Coverage of Muslims has also been consistently and enduringly negative across the two-decade period from 1996 through 2016. This pattern is not unique to the United States; it also holds in countries such as Britain, Canada, and Australia, although less so in the Global South. Moreover, the strong negativity in the articles is not simply a function of stories about foreign conflict zones or radical Islamist violence, even though it is true that terrorism and extremism have become more prominent themes since 9/11. Strikingly, even articles about mundane topics tend to be negative. The findings suggest that American newspapers may, however inadvertently, contribute to reinforcing boundaries that generate Islamophobic attitudes. To overcome these drawbacks, journalists and citizens can consciously “tone-check” the media to limit the stigmatizing effect of negative coverage so commonly associated with Muslims and Islam.


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 74-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Fohrbeck ◽  
Andreas Hirseland ◽  
Philipp Ramos Lobato

Dominant cultural representations of ‘the typical benefits recipient’ – notably in reality television and the tabloids – have been marked by an increasing focus on the character and alleged moral defects of individuals. Drawing on interviews from a large-scale German qualitative longitudinal study, this article explores how benefits recipients respond to such negative media images. Our analysis of interviewees’ ‘identity work’ finds that they have internalised and replicate negative public discourses to a surprising extent. The figure of the ‘typical’ benefits recipient constructed in the media emerges as both a threat to recipients’ self-identities, and as a central reference point in the strategies through which they attempt to defend their respectability. The article concludes with some thoughts on the relationship between such negative representations and the political legitimacy of welfare reform.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Rosen ◽  
Sarah Crafter

This article analyzes coverage of separated child migrants in three British tabloids between the introduction of the Dubs Amendment, which committed to relocating unaccompanied minors to the UK, and the demolition of the unofficial refugee camp in Calais. This camp has been a key symbol of Europe’s “migration crisis” and the subject of significant media attention in which unaccompanied children feature prominently. By considering the changes in tabloid coverage over this time period, this article highlights the increasing contestation of the authenticity of separated children as they began arriving in the UK under Dubs, concurrent with representations of “genuine” child migrants as innocent and vulnerable. We argue that attention to proximity can help account for changing discourses and that the media can simultaneously sustain contradictory views by preserving an essentialized view of “the child,” grounded in racialized, Eurocentric, and advanced capitalist norms. Together, these points raise questions about the political consequences of framing hospitality in the name of “the child.”


2014 ◽  
Vol 602-605 ◽  
pp. 2019-2022
Author(s):  
Yan Zhen Cao

With the development of network, an increasing amount of broadcast television information transforms from simulation into digit, which therefor make the security of media information an imminent issue to be concerned. In this paper, a new kind of intrusion detection model was designed for the media information security system. In the system, both the false alarm rate and missing report rate decreased by using support vector machine classification technique in this new model. As a result of the experimental results, our algorithm processed a high classification accuracy and efficiency.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Rosen ◽  
Sarah Crafter

This article analyzes coverage of separated child migrants in three British tabloids between the introduction of the Dubs Amendment, which committed to relocating unaccompanied minors to the UK, and the demolition of the unofficial refugee camp in Calais. This camp has been a key symbol of Europe’s “migration crisis” and the subject of significant media attention in which unaccompanied children feature prominently. By considering the changes in tabloid coverage over this time period, this article highlights the increasing contestation of the authenticity of separated children as they began arriving in the UK under Dubs, concurrent with representations of “genuine” child migrants as innocent and vulnerable. We argue that attention to proximity can help account for changing discourses and that the media can simultaneously sustain contradictory views by preserving an essentialized view of “the child,” grounded in racialized, Eurocentric, and advanced capitalist norms. Together, these points raise questions about the political consequences of framing hospitality in the name of “the child.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Wasvita Sari

Changes in hijab fashion trends have been developing rapidly in Indonesia until the end of 2017. Hijab women are now be the target market for producers in Indonesia. As an indication is the emergence of many special products for women who wear hijab that often appear on television screens. Fresh Hijab ad is a lotion ad that is one example of hijab commodification, which is shifting the value of hijab to be more commercial to get sales profits. This phenomenon is included in the study of the political economy theory of media communication written by Moscow with an indication of the entrance to capitalism by means of the commodification of content or content carried out by the media to gain high profits for producers and the media. This paper uses the observation method in the Hijab Fresh advertisement video and is analyzed using a semiotic analysis technique, Charles Sanders Pierce's Semiotic Theory which will explain the meaning of the sign contained in the Hijab Fresh Hand & Body Lotion advertisement. Keywords: commodification, economy communiation, political communication, hijab commodification, semiotic theory ABSTRAK Perubahan trend mode hijab telah berkembang pesat di Indonesia hingga akhir tahun 2017 ini. wanita berhijab kini dijadikan  pasar yang menjadi target para produsen di Indonesia. Sebagai indikasinya adalah munculnya banyak produk-produk khusus untuk wanita berhijab yang sering muncul pada layar televisi. Iklan Hijab fresh merupakan iklan lotion yang menjadi salah satu contoh komodifikasi hijab yaitu menggeser nilai hijab menjadi lebih komersial untuk mendapatkan keuntungan penjualan. Fenomena ini termasuk dalam kajian teori ekonomi politik komunikasi media yang ditulis oleh Moscow dengan diindikasikan jalan masuk menuju kapitalisme dengan cara komodifikasi content atau isi yang dilakukan media untuk mendapatkan keuntungan tinggi bagi produsen dan media. tulisan ini menggunakan metode pengamatan pada video iklan Hijab Fresh dan dianalisa dengan menggunakan teknik analisa semiotic yaitu Teori Semiotika Charles Sanders Pierce yang akan menjelaskan makna tanda yang terkandung dalam iklan Hijab Fresh Hand&Body Lotion. Kata Kunci: ekonomi politik komunikasi, komodifikasi, komodifikasi hijab, semiotika. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 95-102
Author(s):  
Markéta Ševčíková ◽  
Kaarle Nordenstreng

This article reviews the political history of Czechoslovakia as a vital part of the Soviet-dominated “Communist bloc” and its repercussions for the journalist associations based in the country. Following an eventful history since 1918, Czechoslovakia changed in 1948 from a liberal democracy into a Communist regime. This had significant consequences for journalists and their national union and also for the International Organization of Journalists (IOJ), which had just established its headquarters in Prague. The second historical event to shake the political system was the “Prague Spring” of 1968 and its aftermath among journalists and their unions. The third landmark was the “Velvet Revolution” of 1989, which played a significant part in the fall of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and led to the closing of the old Union of Journalists in 1990, followed by the founding of a new Syndicate which refused to serve as the host of the IOJ. This led to a gradual disintegration and the closing down of what in the 1980s was the world’s largest non-governmental organization in the media field.


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