Politics, music and cosmopolitism: the operatic output of Joseph Poniatowski (1816–1873) in its social and political contexts

2011 ◽  
Vol 52 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
Ryszard Golianek
Keyword(s):  
Paris Opera ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Napoleon Iii ◽  
Close Friendship ◽  
French Texts ◽  
French Citizen ◽  
Social Backgrounds

Joseph (Giuseppe or Józef) Poniatowski (1816–1873), Polish prince, singer, opera composer and politician, spent all his life abroad: firstly in Italy, then in France and, finally, in England. His artistic output comprises twelve operas composed between 1839 and 1872; nine of them to Italian and three to French texts. Being an amateur composer, he notwithstanding succeeded in staging his operas in many operatic theatres of renown, including La Scala, Covent Garden, Teatro San Carlo, Teatro La Fenice and the Paris Opéra. The paper presents the composer’s output in the social and political contexts of his times. Prince Poniatowski started his international career as a plenipotentiary minister of Tuscany in Paris, London and Brussels; then he settled down in Paris and became a French citizen and even a French senator. He enjoyed the close friendship of Napoleon III with whom he went into exile to England after the Sedan defeat. In all of his three domiciles he presented his operas to the audiences. However, as shown by the press reviews, their reception changed from appreciation to indifference, which was caused by the different political and social backgrounds in the particular countries.

The Social Function of the Law Faculty: Demographics, Republican Reform, and Professional Training at the Paris Law Faculty, 1870–1914

2008 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Savage
Keyword(s):  
Education Reform ◽  
Professional Training ◽  
Second Empire ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Paris Law ◽  
The Social ◽  
Law Faculty ◽  
The Press ◽  
Napoleon Iii ◽  
Area Of Concern

In a high-profile newspaper editorial written in the fall of 1868, the future French premier Jules Ferry denounced the “lamentable” state of training in France's law faculties in no uncertain terms: “One must say that the lowly consideration that is given today in our courts to what was once legal science; the mania for judging and pleading only on the facts; the growing elasticity of texts and the lazy indiscipline of interpretation; the substitution of equity, that is to say arbitrariness, for the rule of law, have all created harmful trends that threaten all the good habits, the noble scruples, and all of the perhaps strict but salutary traditions of past times.” Given the limits placed on the press, suffrage, and the practice of law itself under the regime of Napoleon III, it is striking that Ferry would focus on France's law faculties as a primary area of concern. But like other critics who spoke out on the issue, Ferry saw the weakness of legal education as a symbol of the corruption of elites in Second Empire France, and education reform would be a hallmark of his tenure as Premier in republican governments of the 1880s. In addition to the momentous laws that bore his name making secondary education “obligatory, secular and free,” the reform of training for the professions was a priority for Ferry and others who followed his strain of moderate, or “opportunist,” republicanism.

V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Editorial Office ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Journal Editorial ◽  
Political Essays

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola

The Practical and Symbolic Functions of Pre-Rameau Opera at the Paris Opéra before Gluck

2020 ◽  
pp. 25-50
Author(s):  
Michel Noiray
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Public ◽  
Italian Opera ◽  
Paris Opera ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Press ◽  
Late Eighteenth

This chapter explains how a uniquely long-lived canon evolved in revivals of operas by Jean-Baptiste Lully and his immediate successors—chiefly André Campra and André-Cardinal Destouches—right up to the early 1770s. The Académie Royale de Musique was unique as the only theater to resist Italian repertory, except in two brief controversial periods. A dogmatic commitment to the old style and repertory survived after Lully’s death, quite separate from the operas of Jean-Philippe Rameau. Opposition to this unique practice broke out occasionally among the public, but such opinion was not widely supported in the press. It is striking that the main critics of ancienne musique, as it was called—Rousseau, Paul Henri d’Holbach, and Friedrich Melchior von Grimm—all came from outside France. This chapter is paired with Franco Piperno’s “Italian opera and the concept of ‘canon’ in the late eighteenth century.”

scholarly journals Manufacturing Consensus? New Zealand Press Attitudes Toward the Labour Movement in 1890

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James Keating
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Trade Union Movement ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
National Significance ◽  
Transformative Impact

<p>This thesis investigates the attitudes of New Zealand newspapers to the social and economic tensions exacerbated by the emergence of a newly assertive labour movement in 1890, culminating in the August-November Maritime Strike, and the 5 December General Election. Through detailed analysis of labour reporting in six newspapers (Evening Post, Grey River Argus, Lyttelton Times, New Zealand Herald, Otago Daily Times, Press) this thesis examines contemporary conceptions of New Zealand society and editors’ expectations of trade unions in a colony that emphasised its egalitarian mythology. Although the establishment of a national press agency in 1880 homogenised the distribution of national and international news, this study focuses on local news and editorial columns, which generally reflected proprietors’ political leanings. Through these sites of ideological contest, conflicting representations of the ascendant trade union movement became apparent. While New Zealand newspapers sympathised with the striking London dockers in 1889, the advent of domestic industrial tensions provoked a wider range of reactions in the press. Strikes assumed a national significance, and the divisions between liberal and conservative newspapers narrowed. To varying degrees both considered militant action by organised labour a threat to the colony’s peace and prosperity – sentiments that pervaded their reporting. The New Zealand Maritime Strike confirmed these prejudices and calcified the perception of organised labour’s malevolence. Despite the year’s upheavals, this thesis contends that the press struggled to comprehend labour’s political ambitions, ignoring the unprecedented mobilisation of thousands of new voters, shifting public opinion, and the transformative impact of electoral reform. Distracted by the mainstream political obsession with land reform and convinced that public prejudices, stoked by their own reporting, would obviate a labour presence in the new parliament, the victory of the Liberal-labour coalition confounded the publishing establishment.</p>

scholarly journals Is the press presenting (neoliberal) foreign residency laws in a depoliticised way? The case of investment visas and the reconfiguring of citizenship

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 748-766
Author(s):  
Tânia R. Santos ◽  
Paula Castro ◽  
Rita Guerra
Keyword(s):  
Community Involvement ◽  
Economic Capital ◽  
Competing Values ◽  
Psychological Study ◽  
Chinese Investment ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Beneficiary Community ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
Social Debate

Neoliberalism calls upon the social sciences to explore how legal innovations – new laws and policies – incorporating neoliberal values are presented to the citizenry. An example are investment visas, a new legal instrument regulating foreign residency. Investment visas reconfigure citizenship by prioritising neoliberal values, by privileging economic capital over labour and over place-and-community involvement in the host country. They also create sub-groups within a same migrant community. The press can present these changes by highlighting how they involve choices among competing values, stimulating debate, or it can hide such choices, offering a depoliticised coverage of the issue. This paper explores how investment visas were presented to the Portuguese public by the press, in connection with the Chinese, its main beneficiary community. The analysis is two-fold: first, a thematic analysis focuses on the representation of the Chinese in two newspapers (n = 525 articles), exploring whether it differentiates the investment visa sub-group within the Chinese community; second, a content analysis examines whether the law’s transformations to citizenship are presented in a depoliticised way (n = 164 articles). Findings indicate that the press shows Chinese investment visa beneficiaries as disconnected from other representations of the Chinese. Additionally, the investment visa laws are presented in a depoliticised way: one (uncontested) perspective is privileged, emphasizing their benefits. Conflicting values are almost absent, and the deterritorialised aspect of citizenship is left unproblematized. We conclude by discussing the implications of this type of coverage in shaping social debate and for the socio-psychological study of legal innovations and of citizenship.

scholarly journals Narracje i strategie argumentacyjne w dyskursie IV RP jako narzędzia wyznaczania granic wspólnot w polskim społeczeństwie

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-165
Author(s):  
Marcin Kotras
Keyword(s):  
Social Space ◽  
Round Table ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
The Masses

This article concerns discourse in the 4th Republic and its role in creating the divisions and cleavages of Polish society. The author analyzes the argumentation strategies used by the press supporting the government and its so-called “good change” (the weeklies Sieci and Uważam Rze, which were published in the years 2012–2017). He concentrates on selected rhetorical practices such as labeling, categorization, and discrimination, and determines that the center of the argumentation strategy of the weeklies analyzed is a discursively constructed division between the “elites” and the “masses” ordinary people”). This type of strategy allows the building of a Me-Them dichotomy, which serves not only to strengthen divisions but also to de-legitimize the social space of the 3rd Republic and give legitimacy to the “good change” of the 4th Republic. These activities are exemplified by the manner in which the writers in opinion-forming weeklies describe and explain selected topics and events, such as the Round Table Talks or the migration crisis. The author finds that in the argumentation strategies analyzed, the “nation” is understood as an exclusive community defined from an essentialist perspective. He relates these and other findings to the problem of the new, simplified form of political rivalry and contemporary election campaigns.

Cross Talk in the Press

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Scott Parrish
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Cross Talk ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
New York Times ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Human Practices ◽  
Human Failure

This chapter considers the mainstream white public's growing dissatisfaction with the particular forms of representation that the flood seemed to produce. On May 29, 1927, the New York Times complained of the flood that “the very sweep of such a tragedy makes it hard to grasp it in its full significance.” A June 15 editorial in The Nation agreed: “people can stand only so much calamity. After a while it begins to pall and finally it has no meaning whatever.” The flood had become unsatisfying news because of both its scale and its duration. What was also unsatisfying was the messy cadaverous muck of human failure. Meanwhile, as the social issues and human practices that had turned cyclical overflow into disaster in the first place began to manifest themselves still more visibly in the disaster's developments, a print practice of exposure and blame emerged.

THE PEDIATRICIAN AND THE PUBLIC

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1953 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-95
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York Times ◽  
World Health ◽  
Executive Board ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Council ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Health Organization ◽  
Emergency Fund

The General Assembly, the Social Commission and the Economic and Social Council of the World Health Organization are to discuss the future of the United Nations' International Children's Emergency Fund during this year of 1953. Editorials have appeared in the press (New York Times, Apr. 6, 1953 and Chicago Daily Sun-Times, May 27, 1953) criticizing our government for not having paid U.N.I.C.E.F. its 1953 voluntary contribution of $9,814,000. A number of Fellows of the American Academy of Pediatrics have become concerned as to the plight in which U.N.I.C.E.F. finds itself and requested the matter be brought to the attention of the Executive Board at its meeting May 28-31, 1953 in Evanston. It was the opinion of the members contacting the Board that the work of the U.N.I.C.E.F. should be continued. The presence of this item on the agenda inspired the preparation of the enclosed resume of the evolution of W.H.O. and U.N.I.C.E.F. As the Executive Board found this information of value, they have suggested that it might be made available to other Fellows through publication in your section in Pediatrics. Our members may also be interested in the resolution passed by the Executive Board after deliberating on this subject.

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