scholarly journals The Pattern of Islamic Moderate Movement in Java under Political Fluctuations in Early 20th Century

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-60
Author(s):  
Nostalgiawan Wahyudhi
Keyword(s):  
Urban Communities ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Dynamic Changes ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Ethical Policy ◽  
Colonial Government

The previous studies of Islamization in Java follow a clear distinction of Priyayi-Abangan-Santri thesis, which was gradually developed and incompatible to capture the changing of political preferences of Javanese Muslims. This paper examines what kind of patterns formed on the dynamics of the Islamization process in Java under the influence of socio-political changes. The output of this paper is to show the pattern of Islamization process in Java under the political dynamic changes of Indonesian politics in the early twentieth century. The pattern of Islamization in Java was influenced by ethical policy, the transmission of Middle East Islam, and caused by the politization of Islam by the Colonial government. The ethical policy encouraged the creation of a public space for political contestations that determined the new identity of Indonesian elite. The transmission of Middle Eastern Islam triggered the polarization of Javanese Muslims into two patterns: the modernist Muslim strengthened the pattern of Priyayi-Santri in urban communities with Islamization through modern institutions. In this, the traditionalist Muslim also developed an intellectual genealogy through Pesantren networks scattered in the rural areas created the pattern of Santri-Abangan. Meanwhile the politization of Islam by Colonial government created a benefit to the unification of Islamic institutions.

Ideological Sorting of Physicians in Both Geography and the Workplace

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1023-1057
Author(s):  
Adam Bonica ◽  
Howard Rosenthal ◽  
Kristy Blackwood ◽  
David J. Rothman
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Geographic Area ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Employment Decisions ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Physician Shortages ◽  
Distribution Of Physicians

Abstract Context: The distribution of physicians across geography and employers has important implications for the delivery of medical services. This study examines how the political beliefs of physicians influence their decisions about where to live and work. Methods: Physician relocation and employment patterns are analyzed with a panel constructed from the National Provider Identifier directory. Data on political donations are used to measure the political preferences of physicians. Findings: The “ideological fit” between a physician and his or her community is a key predictor of both relocation and employment decisions. A Democratic physician in a predominantly Republican area is twice as likely to relocate as a Republican counterpart living there; the reverse is also true for Republicans living in Democratic areas. Physicians who do not share the political orientation of their colleagues are more likely to change workplaces within the same geographic area. Conclusions: Physicians are actively sorting along political lines. Younger physicians have trended sharply to the left and are increasingly drawn to urban areas with physician surpluses and away from rural areas suffering from physician shortages. The findings also help explain why physician shortages are more prevalent among left-leaning specialties such as psychiatry.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Occupy Movement, Religion and Social Formations

2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Social Formation ◽  
Beliefs And Practices ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
Occupy Movement ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures

The Occupy movement was an unprecedented social formation that spread to approximate 82 countries around the globe in the fall of 2011 via social media through the use of myths, symbols and rituals that were performed in public space and quickly drew widespread mainstream attention. In this paper I argue that the movement offers a unique instance of how discourse functions in the construction of society and I show how the shared discourses of Occupy were taken-up and shaped in relation to the political opportunity structures and interests of those involved based on my own fieldwork at Occupy Winnipeg. I also argue that the Occupy movement provides an example of how we might substantively attempt to classify “religion” by looking at how it embodied certain metaphysical claims while contrasting it with the beliefs and practices of more conventionally defined “religious” communities.

Is political engagement by constitutional monarchs compatible with democracy?

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112199169
Author(s):  
Kana Inata
Keyword(s):  
Political Engagement ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Public Approval ◽  
Do So

Constitutional monarchies have proved to be resilient, and some have made substantive political interventions even though their positions are mostly hereditary, without granted constitutional channels to do so. This article examines how constitutional monarchs can influence political affairs and what impact royal intervention can have on politics. I argue that constitutional monarchs affect politics indirectly by influencing the preferences of the public who have de jure power to influence political leaders. The analyses herein show that constitutional monarchs do not indiscriminately intervene in politics, but their decisions to intervene reflect the public’s preferences. First, constitutional monarchs with little public approval become self-restraining and do not attempt to assert their political preferences. Second, they are more likely to intervene in politics when the public is less satisfied about the incumbent government. These findings are illustrated with historical narratives regarding the political involvement of King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand in the 2000s.

scholarly journals Hard-to-Survey Populations and Respondent-Driven Sampling: Expanding the Political Science Toolbox

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 509-526
Author(s):  
Rana B. Khoury
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
The Political ◽  
Science Methods ◽  
Respondent Driven Sampling ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Undocumented Migrants ◽  
Multimethod Research ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Population Inference ◽  
Shed Light

Survey research can generate knowledge that is central to the study of collective action, public opinion, and political participation. Unfortunately, many populations—from undocumented migrants to right-wing activists and oligarchs—are hidden, lack sampling frames, or are otherwise hard to survey. An approach to hard-to-survey populations commonly taken by researchers in other disciplines is largely missing from the toolbox of political science methods: respondent-driven sampling (RDS). By leveraging relations of trust, RDS accesses hard-to-survey populations; it also promotes representativeness, systematizes data collection, and, notably, supports population inference. In approximating probability sampling, RDS makes strong assumptions. Yet if strengthened by an integrative multimethod research design, it can shed light on otherwise concealed—and critical—political preferences and behaviors among many populations of interest. Through describing one of the first applications of RDS in political science, this article provides empirically grounded guidance via a study of activist refugees from Syria. Refugees are prototypical hard-to-survey populations, and mobilized ones are even more so; yet the study demonstrates that RDS can provide a systematic and representative account of a vulnerable population engaged in major political phenomena.

Structuring Urban Transportation Planning Decisions: Available Social Science Constructs

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. G. Hutchinson
Keyword(s):  
Urban Communities ◽  
Transportation Planning ◽  
Urban Transportation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Evaluation Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Experience ◽  
Efficiency Criterion ◽  
Planning Decisions ◽  
Welfare Theory

A welfare-theory-based framework for the evaluation of urban transportation investments is described. An economic efficiency criterion is developed in terms of the community demand schedules for accessibility and for environmental quality. A procedure for modifying this efficiency criterion to reflect income distribution goals is presented. It is argued that the necessary empirical information for this evaluation framework must be derived from the application of some consistent theory of democratic group decisions. A number of models of the political process are then reviewed. Recent experience with several institutional frameworks for planning is discussed and some of the principles of the models are used to evaluate this experience. The contributions that available models of the political process might make to the extension of the welfare-based-evaluation framework are then explored. The elementary extensions presented in the paper provide a basis for studying the goal formulation and weighting processes in particular communities. Comparative studies in a number of urban communities should lead to the development of a meaningful institutional framework for urban transportation planning activities.

Ende der Neuen Musik

2021 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-213
Author(s):  
Christoph Von Blumröder
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Music Theory ◽  
Contemporary Music ◽  
Current Theory ◽  
Musical Composition ◽  
The Political ◽  
German Language ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Late 20Th Century ◽  
A Current

The term "Neue Musik" was coined for a special concept of fundamental musical innovation within Austro-German music theory of the early 20th century, and it found no terminological equivalent beyond the German language. Established by Paul Bekker with his lecture “Neue Musik” in 1919, composers such as Stockhausen or Ligeti embraced the term with its emphatic claim to innovation and new departures. However, one hundred years on the term "Neue Musik" is often used mainly as a synonym for any type of contemporary music. This article questions whether the term "Neue Musik" is still an appropriate framework for a current theory of musical composition. Not only have the specific musical circumstances changed within the course of the 20th century, but also the political and social conditions have altered drastically after two world wars which had given special impulses to those composers who strove for a new foundation of music after 1918 and 1945 respectively. This article argues that the age of "Neue Musik" has come to an end in the late 20th century, and thus it is now necessary to introduce alternative terminological concepts and methodical directions for music historiography.

How was the army of the Alash state built?

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
Sultan K. Zhussip (Aqquly) ◽  
Dikhan Qamzabekuly ◽  
Satay M. Syzdykov ◽  
Kairbek R. Kemengger ◽  
Khalil B. Maslov
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Kazakh Population ◽  
Colonial Empire ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Autonomous State

It was 1919, that is, on the eve of the mutual acknowledgement of the Alash Autonomy and the Soviet rule of each other and the incorporation of the Kazakh Autonomy in the USSR. However, historical facts confirm that the leader of the Kazakhs was attempting to build a national army, a fully legal one, even during the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, therefore in the period of the autocratic rule of the colonial empire, despite a number of insurmountable obstacles that seemed to stand in the way. The article is devoted to a historical analysis of the process of creating a legal national army of the Kazakh population and the political legalization of the Autonomous State of Alash on the territory of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century. The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks.The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks

Christians in Iraq: The Transition from Religious to Secular Identity

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Herman G.B. Teule
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Political Choices ◽  
Positive Results

In the Middle Eastern societies, Christians traditionally define themselves as religious communities or churches. This is a continuation of the Ottoman millet system, where religion determined the place one had in society and the patriarch was responsible for the insertion of his community into the state. It not only preserves the traditional ecclesiastical divisions based on dogmatic divergences and church politics but also transposes them to the political field.For a few decades, many lay politicians in Syria considered this system as detrimental to Christian interests. They developed the idea of a common ethnic identity for all churches using Syriac. New political circumstances in Iraq made it possible to give a political translation of this idea by the creation of Christian political parties, defending common ethnic minority rights. Despite some positive results, attempts at creating unity failed, not only because a lack of unanimity about certain political choices but also about the idea of ethnic identity itself.

scholarly journals Fatma Aliye Hanım: Gender Debates in Turkey

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 693-716
Author(s):  
Zeynep Direk
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Late Ottoman

Abstract This essay explores the late nineteenth and early twentieth Century gender debates in the late Ottoman Empire, and the early Republic of Turkey with a focus on Fatma Aliye’s presence in the public space, as the first Ottoman woman philosopher, novelist, and public intellectual. I choose to concentrate on her because of the important stakes of the gender debates of that period, and the ways in which they are echoed in the present can be effectively discussed by reflecting on the ways in which Fatma Aliye is read, presented, and received. In the first part of this paper, I talk about Fatma Aliye’s life and experience of her gender as a woman, and point to her key interests as a writer and philosopher. In the second part, I situate her in the political history of feminism during the Rearrangement Period (Tanzimat), the Second Constitutional Era (II. Meşrutiyet), and the institution of the modern Republic of Turkey. Lastly, in the third part, I discuss the diverse ways in which she is interpreted in contemporary Turkey. I explore the political impact of the reception of Fatma Aliye as an intellectual figure on the current gender debates in Turkey.

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