New Grounded Feminist Approach to Islam in Indonesia: A Textual Analysis of Rahima and Fahmina’s Publications

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Nina Nurmila

This article aims to offer a textual analysis of Rahima and Fahmina’s publications. Rahima and Fahmina are two Non-Government Organizations founded in 2000 by a young generation of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), one of the largest moderate Muslim organizations in Indonesia. There are more similarities than differences between Rahima and Fahmina because the persons involved in the organizations are close friends and, in fact, the same persons even though both are based in two different cities. Since their foundation, both Rahima and Fahmina have published many books and magazines. This article argues that both Rahima dan Fahmina publications offer a new grounded feminist approach to Islam, which counterbalance the dominant male-biased normative approach to Islam in most Muslim societies. These publications are based on their feminist activism and community engagement with the grass-root level of many Nahdlatul Ulama pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools). The topics of their publication cover many current issues such as fiqh of women’s reproductive rights and empowerment, fiqh of the daily life of migrant workers, fiqh of anti-trafficking, prevention of child marriage, violent extremism and religious pluralism. As a result, the progressive nature of their publications negates the existing label of NU as the traditionalist organization.

Author(s):  
Hamdani Hamdani

Since the promulgation of Islam Nusantara in the 33rd congress of Nahdlatul Ulama, Islamic moderatism has been glorified by its advocates as the religious movement in dealing with social and political changes. This moderate ethos has been inculcated to most Indonesian Muslim by many elites, particularly to nahdliyyin (NU people), to distinguish with the radical and conservative trend of religiosity. This study examines the understanding of wasatiyyah among the youth of nahdliyyin which is organized in a new group called the ‘Pejuang Islam Nusantara’ (PIN, Defenders of Islam Nusantara). Triggered by the criticism and black campaign on Islam Nusantara, this community has a cultural mission to explain and respond the complexity of Islam Nusantara to public both online and offline. This study attempts to capture the worldview of religiosity and political standing point of young generation of nahdliyyin confronting with radical Muslim and Islamist groups by the 2019 presidential election. While the campaign for Islam Nusantara as part of moderatism project of Central Board of Nahdlatul Ulama (PBNU) has been challenged by its opponents, the non-structural agents of nahdliyyin takes initiative to strengthen the campaign by cultural events and educative programs. This study focuses on the youth movement in applying and campaigning Islam Nusantara at grass-root level of the changing Indonesian Muslim constellation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Haedar Nashir ◽  
Zuly Qodir ◽  
Achmad Nurmandi ◽  
Hasse Jubba ◽  
Mega Hidayati

This study focuses on the way in which Muhammadiyah, one of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organizations, stood in the 2019 General Election. Like its counterpart Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah has marked the moderation of Islam in Indonesia, different from Islam elsewhere in the Middle East. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has urged its members not to join any specific political party, but rather to take a moderate position in political pragmatism and support patriotism in broader national interest. Likewise, in the 2019 election, Muhammadiyah did not organizationally support any candidates, citing its “middle way” approach. However, this study identifies a dualism in the political attitudes of Muhammadiyah’s elites. Even without official orders or prohibitions from the central leadership, some Muhammadiyah members got involved and carried their organization’s attributes to support certain candidates, resulting in political division within the organization. Some members of the organization took a clear political stance, whereas others remain neutral. This created tension within the organization in both elite and grass-root level. The main data for this study were collected through interviews, unstructured discussions, and focus group discussions with several Muhammadiyah elites.[Artikel ini melihat posisi yang diambil salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, dalam Pemilu 2019. Bersamaan dengan Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah menjadi penanda moderasi Islam di Indonesia yang berbeda dengan Islam di tempat lain. Sejak didirikan, Muhammadiyah telah menandaskan untuk tidak berafiliasi dengan partai politik tertentu, tetapi mengambil posisi moderat dalam perpolitikan dan mendukung patriotisme demi kepentingan nasional yang lebih luas. Demikian juga, dalam Pemilu 2019, Muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak mendukung calon mana pun berdasarkan konsep “jalan tengah”. Namun, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi adanya dualisme dalam sikap politik para elit Muhammadiyah. Tidak adanya perintah atau larangan resmi dari pusat, banyak anggota Muhammadiyah yang membawa atribut organisasi dan terlibat aktivitas politik serta mendukung kandidat tertentu. Ini berakibat munculnya keterbelahan politik dalam Muhammadiyah. Beberapa anggota mengambil sikap politik yang jelas, sedangkan yang lain tetap netral. Ini menimbulkan ketegangan dalam organisasi, baik di tingkat elit maupun akar rumput. Data utama untuk penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, diskusi tidak terstruktur, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus dengan beberapa elit Muhammadiyah.]


Author(s):  
Shikha Singh ◽  
Sukhjeet Kaur

In Punjab the concept of SHGs has gained a huge popularity. Many institutions such as government organizations, non-government organizations, farmers clubs, health workers and banks are using this approach to empower women socially, economically and politically. SHG have brought tremendous change in the life of women at grass root level. But it requires a lot more efforts on part of the government, NGOs as well as banking sector to promote SHGs in the state. In spite of the speeding number of SHGs, the full potential of SHGs remains unexploited due to some challenges faced by the members of SHGs. Therefore the present study was planned to know the challenges faced by the members of SHGs in Punjab in proper functioning of the groups. The findings of this study revealed that lack of training opportunities were found to be the most serious problem perceived by the members of self-help groups. It was followed by lack guidance and support from promoting agencies and limited opportunities for income generating activities. There is need to overcome these hurdles by providing appropriate training and guidance for smooth functioning of self-help groups.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 894-895
Author(s):  
Jacob Brem

A good deal of literature on child abuse has accumulated since Kempe and his group first described the "Battered Child Syndrome."1 Enlightened laws have been passed in the various states and management transferred from the police into the hands of social agencies. Furthermore, the reporting physician was protected from libel. However, at the grass root level, conditions are far from ideal. Physicians are unfamiliar with the various laws and are reluctant to report for fear of getting involved in unpleasant situations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabela Wilfred Mtani ◽  
Elinorata Celestine Mbuya

Urbanisation leads to house densification, a phenomenon experienced in both planned and unplanned settlements in cities in developing countries. Such densification limits fire brigade access into settlements, thereby aggravating fire disaster risks. In this article, we assess the fire exposure and risks in residences in informal areas of Mchikichini ward, in Dar es Salaam City, Tanzania. We rely on interviews of residents and government officials to obtain background on the occurrence and causes of fire accidents, policy provisions and regulations, and experiences with fire outbreaks and coping strategies, as well as on observations and measurements of house transformations, spatial quality and indoor real life. Our findings suggest that fire risks arise from both inappropriate structural characteristics and unsound behavioural practices. This includes unsafe electric practices by residents, poor capacity of residents to fight fires once started, limited access to structures by firefighting equipment because of flouting of planning regulations and inadequate awareness of local government leaders of the magnitude of fire risks. Potential changes to reduce fire risks in the settlement include the installation of firefighting systems, restriction of cooking to designated spaces, use of safer cooking energy sources and lighting means, improvements of vehicle access routes to neighbourhoods, capacity building at the grass root level and the establishment of community-based fire risk management.


Author(s):  
Elza-Bair M. Guchinova ◽  

Introduction. The proposed publication consists of an introduction, texts of two biographical interviews and comments thereon. Both the conversations took place in Elista (2004, 2017) as part of the research project ‘Everyone Has One’s Own Siberia’ dedicated to the important period in the history of Kalmykia though not yet sufficiently explored by anthropologists and sociologists — the deportation of Kalmyks to Siberia (1943–1956) and related memories. Goals. The project seeks to show the daily survival practices of Kalmyks in Siberia. In the spontaneous biographical interviews focusing on the years of Kalmyk deportation, not only the facts cited are important — of which we would otherwise stay unaware but from the oral narratives — but also the introduced stories of inner life: feelings and thoughts of growing girls. Methods. The paper involves the use of textual analysis and the method of text deconstruction. Results. The transcribed texts show survival and adaptation strategies employed by the young generation of ‘special settlers’ in places of forced residence. For many Kalmyks of that generation, high school was a ‘glass ceiling’, a limitation in life choices. In the narrative of R. Ts. Azydova, we face a today unthinkable social package for KUTV students with children — this illustrates how the korenization policy for indigenous populations in the USSR worked, and provides insight into daily practices of pre-war Elista. The story of T. S. Kachanova especially clearly manifests the ‘language of trauma’, first of all, through the memory of the body, vocabulary of death and displays of laughter. The texts of the interviews shall be interesting to all researchers of Kalmyk deportation and the memory of that period.


Author(s):  
Niaz Ahmad ◽  
Abida Bano ◽  
Ashfaq Rehman

Local government is visualised as a tool for promoting political participation, downward accountability, which consequently leads to the establishment of good governance at the grass-root level. In the establishment of the local government system, the main ingredients of good governance, such as participation and downward accountability, reckon almost on the nature of elections. However, societies marked with strong cultural and socially embedded informal institutions, already existed from generations, hinder formal institutions to play its intended role. In Pakistan, some socio-cultural features like gender, ascribed status, and economic background of the individuals influence the entire process of elections adversely. This paper attempts to assess the processes of the local government elections in District Karak, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Pakistan. It aims to highlight the deterministic role of other informal institutional forces that affect the outcome of local elections. It investigates, how the process of local government elections is influenced in Pakistan and how do people decide whom to vote for in these elections. The study argues that policymakers should work on strengthening the formal institutions of elections through measures such as monitoring by media, referendums, auditing, evaluations, education, and political awareness as alternatives to ensure good governance at the local level in Pakistan.


Author(s):  
Kaitlynn Mendes ◽  
Jessica Ringrose ◽  
Jessalynn Keller

In this chapter, we outline our conceptual framework, addressing key theories that underpin our analysis, including, affect and related concepts, including affective solidarity, networked affect, and affective publics. We also introduce key terms from critical technology studies, including platform vernacular and other concepts relevant to the political economy of social media. After providing further information on the six case studies described in the Introduction, including their reason for selection and methods used, the chapter details our unique methodological approach, which draws insights from a range of interdisciplinary tools, including feminist ethnographic methods, thematic textual analysis, semi-structured interviews, surveys, and online observations.


2006 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-156
Author(s):  
D.C. Nanjunda ◽  
M. Annapurna

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