scholarly journals ALTERNATIF MODEL KELEMBAGAAN REFINE: MODEL INOVASI KELEMBAGAAN KLINIK IPTEK MINA BISNIS

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Armen Zulham
Keyword(s):  
Working Group ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Network ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Rural Economic Development ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Institutional Model

Naskah ini, terkait dengan konsepsi Klinik IPTEK Mina Bisnis (KIMBis) dan Research ExtensionFisheries Community Network (REFINE). Keduanya merupakan inovasi kelembagaan yang bertujuanmenyebarkan IPTEK di daerah pedesaan. Konsepsi KIMBis telah diimplementasikan pada 15 lokasi.Sementara implementasi dari konsepsi REFINE masih dalam wacana. Konsepsi dasar keduanya sangatberbeda tetapi tujuannya hampir sama. Kelembagaan KIMBis dibangun melalui partisipasi berbagaistakeholder dengan pendekatan bottom up. Sementara kelembagaan REFINE dikembangkan denganmembentuk Kelompok Kerja (Pokja) pada tingkat pusat dan daerah, pendekatannya adalah top down.Sumber informasi utama tulisan ini adalah pengamatan lapangan terhadap perilaku berbagai stakeholder,serta laporan 15 lokasi KIMBis dan dokumen REFINE. Hasil pengamatan menunjukkan bahwa KIMBisdapat dimodifikasi sebagai alternatif model kelembagaan REFINE. Modifikasi kelembagaan sebagaipenyebar inovasi ini tergantung pada kemauan politik dari perumus kebijakan. Selain itu fleksibilitaslembaga tersebut juga memegang peranan penting dalam menarik pemangku kepentingan berpartisipasidalam kelembagaan itu. Kelembagaan berbasis masyarakat umumnya lebih mudah diimplementasikandibandingkan kelembagaan formal dalam bentuk Pokja. Fleksibilitas KIMBis membuat kelembagaantersebut berperan multi fungsi. Namun untuk memfungsikan KIMBis: sebagai sarana pemberdayaanmasyarakat berbasis IPTEK, sarana pengembangan ekonomi masyarakat berbasis IPTEK, sarana kerjasama peneliti, perekayasa dan penyuluh dalam menerapkan dan menyebarkan IPTEK serta memperolehumpan balik untuk merenovasi IPTEK dan pendekatan yang dilakukan, sebagai tempat kolaborasi denganlembaga-lembaga yang sudah ada, SKPP, SKPD, Swasta dan LSM dalam mewujudkan kesejahteraanmasyarakat, dan sebagai laboratorium lapang aspek sosial ekonomi kelautan dan perikanan dihadapkanpada berbagai kendala. Tingkat partisipasi berbagai pemangku kepentingan terhadap KIMBis sangatbervariasi. Pada masa yang akan datang untuk mengembangkan KIMBis harus mengembangkan sosialkapital dan interkoneksitas, agar partisipasi pemangku kepentingan dapat meningkat.Title: An Alternative Institution Model for REFINE:Inovative Institutional Model of the Klinik Iptek Mina BisnisThis paper is associated with the concept of institutions innovation of the “Klinik IPTEK MinaBisnis (KIMBis)” and the “Research Extension Fisheries Community Network” (REFINE). The purpose ofboth the institutions innovation was to spread the technologies at the villages communities. Recently, theKIMBis concept has been implemented at 15 locations, while the REFINE concept still remains a plan.The basic concept of both innovations are very different but the goals almost the same. The KIMBis wasbuilt through the participation of a wide range of stakeholders with a bottom up approaching method.Mean while, the REFINE was developed by forming working group (Pokja) at the provincial and thedistrict levels, known a top down approaching method. The main sources of the information for this paperare based on the field observation tows the various stakeholders’ behavior, as well as the report of the15 locations of KIMBis and the REFINE documents. The results show that KIMBis can be modified asthe alternative institution for REFINE. This modification depends greatly on the political will of the policymakers. In addition, the flexibility of the institutions is also play an important role in an attracting the stakeholders to participate in the institutional program. In the form of working group, the society-basedinstitutions are generally easier to be implemented than the formal institution. The flexibility of KIMBiswill build a multi-functioned institution, such as the place for technology-based society empowerment;the place for technology-based rural economic development; and a tool to develop the cooperationamong researchers, engineers, and extension officers in applying and spreading technologies as well asobtaining feedbacks to renovate technologies and the approaching methods. The other functions aretofacilitate the existing institutions: SKPP,SKPD, private companies and NGO to create public welfare,and as the field laboratory for the socio ecomonic aspects to support the development of marine andfisheries. Recently, the level of participation of the stakeholders involved in the KIMBis activities varywidely. In the future, the development of KIMBis need social capital and interconectivity strategies toboost the stakeholders paticipation on KIMBis program.

Attribution

2019 ◽  
pp. 280-303
Author(s):  
Clement Guitton
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Meta Data ◽  
Standards Of Evidence ◽  
Opening Up

Attribution, finding the identity of actors behind an attack, is of primary importance to be able to classify an attack as a criminal act, an act of war, or an act of terrorism. But attribution is difficult. Many experts and analysts have explained this difficulty with technical arguments. This chapter seeks to bring nuances to such arguments closely analysing how attribution functions. It brings a focus on political factors constraining attribution, and on specifically three ones: standards of evidence, time, and private companies. It makes three main arguments. Firstly, standards of evidence are only secondary to the political will to attribute an attack. Secondly, time cannot only be reduced; the context surrounding attribution is as much important. Thirdly, companies' important role in attribution also gives ground for accused party to easily undermine their claims. The chapter concludes with opening up the debate on the usefulness of meta-data for attribution.

scholarly journals Introduction

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-33
Author(s):  
Antje Missbach ◽  
Melissa Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Special Section ◽  
Economic Incentives ◽  
The Political ◽  
Irregular Migration ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Public ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Regional Agreements ◽  
Empirical Case Studies

There has been growing pressure on states to “solve” the phenomenon of irregular migration. Destination countries have transferred this pressure onto transit countries, which are assumed to have the political will, ability, and means to stop irregular migration. This special section looks at the ways in which transit countries respond to challenges, pressures, and compromises in matters of irregular migration policies through a number of empirical case studies. Making transit countries the main focus, this special section aims to scrutinize domestic policy discourses in the transit countries, which are influenced by regional agreements and economic incentives from abroad but are also shaped by local interests and a wide range of actors. Of special interest is to understand whether the logics of destination countries that favor deterrence and exclusion have been adopted by politicians and the public discourse within transit countries.

Attribution

2015 ◽  
pp. 37-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clement Guitton
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Meta Data ◽  
Standards Of Evidence ◽  
Opening Up

Attribution, finding the identity of actors behind an attack, is of primary importance to be able to classify an attack as a criminal act, an act of war, or an act of terrorism. But attribution is difficult. Many experts and analysts have explained this difficulty with technical arguments. This chapter seeks to bring nuances to such arguments closely analysing how attribution functions. It brings a focus on political factors constraining attribution, and on specifically three ones: standards of evidence, time, and private companies. It makes three main arguments. Firstly, standards of evidence are only secondary to the political will to attribute an attack. Secondly, time cannot only be reduced; the context surrounding attribution is as much important. Thirdly, companies' important role in attribution also gives ground for accused party to easily undermine their claims. The chapter concludes with opening up the debate on the usefulness of meta-data for attribution.

Modernism and American Ballet

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Harris
Keyword(s):  
Mass Culture ◽  
American Culture ◽  
Modern Dance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Conditions ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter explores the international and interdisciplinary backdrop of Lincoln Kirstein’s efforts to form an American ballet in the early 1930s. The political, economic, and cultural conditions of the Depression reinvigorated the search for an “American” culture. In this context, new openings for a modernist theory of ballet were created as intellectuals and artists from a wide range of disciplines endeavored to define the role of the arts in protecting against the dangerous effects of mass culture. Chapter 1 sheds new light on well-known critical debates in dance history between Kirstein and John Martin over whether ballet, with its European roots, could truly become “American” in contrast to modern dance. Was American dance going to be conceived in nationalist or transnationalist terms? That was the deeper conflict that underlay the ballet vs. modern dance debates of the early 1930s.

scholarly journals Kuzbass Development Strategy: Past Lessons and Future Wrongs

2020 ◽  
Vol 174 ◽  
pp. 04038
Author(s):  
Yuri Fridman ◽  
Galina Rechko ◽  
Ekaterina Loginova
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Planning ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Business And Society ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Standards Of Living ◽  
Economic Reality ◽  
The Government

The article discusses the place and role of strategic planning in ensuring that Kemerovo Oblast – Kuzbass develops comprehensively. For over thirty years, we have been studying the region with one of the leading national territorial-production centers established in the 20th century, how it emerged and functioned. Studies suggest that without regard to the economies of Russia as a whole and Kuzbass’s neighboring regions in particular, its issues cannot be satisfactorily resolved. At large, when strategic planning followed this assumption, it contributed to how fast and holistically the territory developed. Considering that, in the 21st century, strategy makers diverged from this concept and started to search for new approaches, the region’s economy has slowed down and its living standards have declined sharply. The momentum can be reversed with an active state socio-economic policy. Its previous forms, however, when the state gave preferences to private companies and did not require corresponding growth in standards of living in return, became unacceptable. It is necessary to work out a system of effective solutions and measures with mechanisms for reconciling the interests of the government, business and society within approaches that are adequate to the political and economic reality of today’s world.

scholarly journals What If the ‘Anthropocene’ Is Not Formalized as a New Geological Series/Epoch?

Quaternary ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentí Rull
Keyword(s):  
Present State ◽  
Executive Committee ◽  
Working Group ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Environmental Sciences ◽  
International Union ◽  
Quaternary Stratigraphy ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Geological Sciences

In the coming years, the Anthropocene Working Group (AWG) will submit its proposal on the ‘Anthropocene’ to the Subcommission of Quaternary Stratigraphy (SQS) and the International Commission on Stratigraphy (ICS) for approval. If approved, the proposal will be sent to the Executive Committee of the International Union of Geological Sciences (IUGS) for ratification. If the proposal is approved and ratified, then the ‘Anthropocene’ will be formalized. Currently, the ‘Anthropocene’ is a broadly used term and concept in a wide range of scientific and non-scientific situations, and, for many, the official acceptance of this term is only a matter of time. However, the AWG proposal, in its present state, seems to not fully meet the requirements for a new chronostratigraphic unit. This essay asks what could happen if the current ‘Anthropocene’ proposal is not formalized by the ICS/IUGS. The possible stratigraphic alternatives are evaluated on the basis of the more recent literature and the personal opinions of distinguished AWG, SQS, and ICS members. The eventual impact on environmental sciences and on non-scientific sectors, where the ‘Anthropocene’ seems already firmly rooted and de facto accepted as a new geological epoch, are also discussed. This essay is intended as the editorial introduction to a Quaternary special issue on the topic.

scholarly journals A survey of methods for evaluating mini-publics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Takeuchi Ayano
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Academic Research ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Sufficient Information ◽  
Practical Case ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Decision Making

AbstractPublic participation has become increasingly necessary to connect a wide range of knowledge and various values to agenda setting, decision-making and policymaking. In this context, deliberative democratic concepts, especially “mini-publics,” are gaining attention. Generally, mini-publics are conducted with randomly selected lay citizens who provide sufficient information to deliberate on issues and form final recommendations. Evaluations are conducted by practitioner researchers and independent researchers, but the results are not standardized. In this study, a systematic review of existing research regarding practices and outcomes of mini-publics was conducted. To analyze 29 papers, the evaluation methodologies were divided into 4 categories of a matrix between the evaluator and evaluated data. The evaluated cases mainly focused on the following two points: (1) how to maintain deliberation quality, and (2) the feasibility of mini-publics. To create a new path to the political decision-making process through mini-publics, it must be demonstrated that mini-publics can contribute to the decision-making process and good-quality deliberations are of concern to policy-makers and experts. Mini-publics are feasible if they can contribute to the political decision-making process and practitioners can evaluate and understand the advantages of mini-publics for each case. For future research, it is important to combine practical case studies and academic research, because few studies have been evaluated by independent researchers.

scholarly journals Are public service media distinctive from the market? Interpreting the political information environments of BBC and commercial news in the United Kingdom

2021 ◽  
pp. 026732312110121
Author(s):  
Stephen Cushion
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Television News ◽  
Information Environment ◽  
Political Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
International Issues ◽  
Market Driven

Public service media face an existential crisis. Many governments are cutting their budgets, while questioning the role and value of public service broadcasting because many citizens now have access to a wide range of media. This raises the question – do public service media supply a distinctive and informative news service compared to market-led media? Drawing on the concept of political information environment, this study makes an intervention into debates by carrying out a comparative content analysis of news produced by UK public service broadcasters and market-driven media across television, radio and online outlets (N = 1065) and interviewing senior editors about the routine selection of news. It found that almost all BBC news and commercial public service media platforms reported more news about politics, public affairs and international issues than entirely market-driven outlets. Online BBC news reported more informative topics than market-based media, which featured more entertainment and celebrity stories. The value of public service media was demonstrated on the United Kingdom’s nightly television news bulletins, which shone a light on the world not often reported, especially BBC News at Ten. Most market-driven media reported through a UK prism, excluding many countries and international issues. Overall, it is argued that the influence of public service media in the United Kingdom helps shape an information environment with informative news. The focus of the study is on UK media, but the conceptual application of intepreting a political information environment is designed to be relevant for scholars internationally. While communication studies have sought to advance more cross-national studies in recent years, this can limit how relevant studies are for debates in national political information environments. This study concludes by recommending more scholarly attention should be paid to theorising national policy dynamics that shape the political information environments of media systems within nations.

scholarly journals Killing a Constitution with a Thousand Cuts: Executive Aggrandizement and Party-state Fusion in India

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The People ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
Democratic Norms

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.

COMBATING TRANSNATIONAL CRIME IN AFRICA: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES

2006 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN HATCHARD
Keyword(s):  
Transnational Crime ◽  
Environmental Crime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Third ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
Proceeds Of Crime ◽  
Made In

Transnational crime is a major problem for African states with corruption, trafficking of persons, drugs trafficking, environmental crime and the like posing a major threat to development and stability. This article examines three challenges that states must tackle in order to combat transnational crime effectively. The first is how to deal with criminals who operate outside the jurisdiction. The second concerns the investigation of crimes with a transnational element. The third challenge involves tracing and then recovering the proceeds of crime that have been moved out of the country where the crime occurred. Here the need for Western states to cooperate with those in Africa is highlighted. Drawing on examples from Lesotho and Nigeria in particular, it is argued that some progress is being made in meeting these challenges. However, the article notes that developing the political will to tackle transnational crime is fundamental to any lasting improvement.

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