Attribution

2015 ◽  
pp. 37-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clement Guitton
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Meta Data ◽  
Standards Of Evidence ◽  
Opening Up

Attribution, finding the identity of actors behind an attack, is of primary importance to be able to classify an attack as a criminal act, an act of war, or an act of terrorism. But attribution is difficult. Many experts and analysts have explained this difficulty with technical arguments. This chapter seeks to bring nuances to such arguments closely analysing how attribution functions. It brings a focus on political factors constraining attribution, and on specifically three ones: standards of evidence, time, and private companies. It makes three main arguments. Firstly, standards of evidence are only secondary to the political will to attribute an attack. Secondly, time cannot only be reduced; the context surrounding attribution is as much important. Thirdly, companies' important role in attribution also gives ground for accused party to easily undermine their claims. The chapter concludes with opening up the debate on the usefulness of meta-data for attribution.

Attribution

2019 ◽  
pp. 280-303
Author(s):  
Clement Guitton
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Meta Data ◽  
Standards Of Evidence ◽  
Opening Up

Attribution, finding the identity of actors behind an attack, is of primary importance to be able to classify an attack as a criminal act, an act of war, or an act of terrorism. But attribution is difficult. Many experts and analysts have explained this difficulty with technical arguments. This chapter seeks to bring nuances to such arguments closely analysing how attribution functions. It brings a focus on political factors constraining attribution, and on specifically three ones: standards of evidence, time, and private companies. It makes three main arguments. Firstly, standards of evidence are only secondary to the political will to attribute an attack. Secondly, time cannot only be reduced; the context surrounding attribution is as much important. Thirdly, companies' important role in attribution also gives ground for accused party to easily undermine their claims. The chapter concludes with opening up the debate on the usefulness of meta-data for attribution.

scholarly journals ALTERNATIF MODEL KELEMBAGAAN REFINE: MODEL INOVASI KELEMBAGAAN KLINIK IPTEK MINA BISNIS

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Armen Zulham
Keyword(s):  
Working Group ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Network ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Rural Economic Development ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Institutional Model

Naskah ini, terkait dengan konsepsi Klinik IPTEK Mina Bisnis (KIMBis) dan Research ExtensionFisheries Community Network (REFINE). Keduanya merupakan inovasi kelembagaan yang bertujuanmenyebarkan IPTEK di daerah pedesaan. Konsepsi KIMBis telah diimplementasikan pada 15 lokasi.Sementara implementasi dari konsepsi REFINE masih dalam wacana. Konsepsi dasar keduanya sangatberbeda tetapi tujuannya hampir sama. Kelembagaan KIMBis dibangun melalui partisipasi berbagaistakeholder dengan pendekatan bottom up. Sementara kelembagaan REFINE dikembangkan denganmembentuk Kelompok Kerja (Pokja) pada tingkat pusat dan daerah, pendekatannya adalah top down.Sumber informasi utama tulisan ini adalah pengamatan lapangan terhadap perilaku berbagai stakeholder,serta laporan 15 lokasi KIMBis dan dokumen REFINE. Hasil pengamatan menunjukkan bahwa KIMBisdapat dimodifikasi sebagai alternatif model kelembagaan REFINE. Modifikasi kelembagaan sebagaipenyebar inovasi ini tergantung pada kemauan politik dari perumus kebijakan. Selain itu fleksibilitaslembaga tersebut juga memegang peranan penting dalam menarik pemangku kepentingan berpartisipasidalam kelembagaan itu. Kelembagaan berbasis masyarakat umumnya lebih mudah diimplementasikandibandingkan kelembagaan formal dalam bentuk Pokja. Fleksibilitas KIMBis membuat kelembagaantersebut berperan multi fungsi. Namun untuk memfungsikan KIMBis: sebagai sarana pemberdayaanmasyarakat berbasis IPTEK, sarana pengembangan ekonomi masyarakat berbasis IPTEK, sarana kerjasama peneliti, perekayasa dan penyuluh dalam menerapkan dan menyebarkan IPTEK serta memperolehumpan balik untuk merenovasi IPTEK dan pendekatan yang dilakukan, sebagai tempat kolaborasi denganlembaga-lembaga yang sudah ada, SKPP, SKPD, Swasta dan LSM dalam mewujudkan kesejahteraanmasyarakat, dan sebagai laboratorium lapang aspek sosial ekonomi kelautan dan perikanan dihadapkanpada berbagai kendala. Tingkat partisipasi berbagai pemangku kepentingan terhadap KIMBis sangatbervariasi. Pada masa yang akan datang untuk mengembangkan KIMBis harus mengembangkan sosialkapital dan interkoneksitas, agar partisipasi pemangku kepentingan dapat meningkat.Title: An Alternative Institution Model for REFINE:Inovative Institutional Model of the Klinik Iptek Mina BisnisThis paper is associated with the concept of institutions innovation of the “Klinik IPTEK MinaBisnis (KIMBis)” and the “Research Extension Fisheries Community Network” (REFINE). The purpose ofboth the institutions innovation was to spread the technologies at the villages communities. Recently, theKIMBis concept has been implemented at 15 locations, while the REFINE concept still remains a plan.The basic concept of both innovations are very different but the goals almost the same. The KIMBis wasbuilt through the participation of a wide range of stakeholders with a bottom up approaching method.Mean while, the REFINE was developed by forming working group (Pokja) at the provincial and thedistrict levels, known a top down approaching method. The main sources of the information for this paperare based on the field observation tows the various stakeholders’ behavior, as well as the report of the15 locations of KIMBis and the REFINE documents. The results show that KIMBis can be modified asthe alternative institution for REFINE. This modification depends greatly on the political will of the policymakers. In addition, the flexibility of the institutions is also play an important role in an attracting the stakeholders to participate in the institutional program. In the form of working group, the society-basedinstitutions are generally easier to be implemented than the formal institution. The flexibility of KIMBiswill build a multi-functioned institution, such as the place for technology-based society empowerment;the place for technology-based rural economic development; and a tool to develop the cooperationamong researchers, engineers, and extension officers in applying and spreading technologies as well asobtaining feedbacks to renovate technologies and the approaching methods. The other functions aretofacilitate the existing institutions: SKPP,SKPD, private companies and NGO to create public welfare,and as the field laboratory for the socio ecomonic aspects to support the development of marine andfisheries. Recently, the level of participation of the stakeholders involved in the KIMBis activities varywidely. In the future, the development of KIMBis need social capital and interconectivity strategies toboost the stakeholders paticipation on KIMBis program.

Inside the Enemy's Computer

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clement Guitton
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Technical Problem ◽  
Technical Information ◽  
Cyber Attack ◽  
Criminal Cases ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Current Thinking ◽  
Standards Of Evidence

Attribution — tracing those responsible for a cyber attack — is of primary importance when classifying it as a criminal act, an act of war, or an act of terrorism. Three assumptions dominate current thinking: attribution is a technical problem; it is unsolvable; and it is unique. Approaching attribution as a problem forces us to consider it either as solved or unsolved. Yet attribution is far more nuanced, and is best approached as a process in constant flux, driven by judicial and political pressures. In the criminal context, courts must assess the guilt of criminals, mainly based on technical evidence. In the national security context, decision-makers must analyze unreliable and mainly non-technical information in order to identify an enemy of the state. Attribution in both contexts is political: in criminal cases, laws reflect society’s prevailing norms and powers; in national security cases, attribution reflects a state’s will to maintain, increase or assert its power. However, both processes differ on many levels. The constraints, which reflect common aspects of many other political issues, constitute the structure of the book: the need for judgment calls, the role of private companies, the standards of evidence, the role of time, and the plausible deniability of attacks.

The Energy Politics of India

2020 ◽  
pp. 532-561
Author(s):  
Lydia Powell
Keyword(s):  
Simulation Models ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
Social Perspectives ◽  
Energy Politics ◽  
Social Structural ◽  
Poor Outcomes

While it is not surprising that political factors shape the Indian energy landscape, few systematic attempts have been made to address exactly what interests most heavily influence energy choices and the precise nature of their impacts. Available research suggests that scholars need to move beyond simplistic explanations, such as lack of political will or capacity constraints, and recognize a broader set of interacting social, structural, institutional, and political agency variables. The technocratic analyses and projections based on simulation models that dominate the academic literature neglect political and social perspectives as unscientific, esoteric, or theoretical. Thus this chapter argues that future research should focus on political and economic power relations at the national, regional, and domestic levels when tracking poor outcomes of energy choices and policies. In the future, an emphasis on theoretically informed analysis will deepen understanding of hard choices related to the equitable distribution of energy in India and also facilitate implementation of more progressive energy policies.

scholarly journals Kuzbass Development Strategy: Past Lessons and Future Wrongs

2020 ◽  
Vol 174 ◽  
pp. 04038
Author(s):  
Yuri Fridman ◽  
Galina Rechko ◽  
Ekaterina Loginova
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Planning ◽  
Development Strategy ◽  
Living Standards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Business And Society ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Standards Of Living ◽  
Economic Reality ◽  
The Government

The article discusses the place and role of strategic planning in ensuring that Kemerovo Oblast – Kuzbass develops comprehensively. For over thirty years, we have been studying the region with one of the leading national territorial-production centers established in the 20th century, how it emerged and functioned. Studies suggest that without regard to the economies of Russia as a whole and Kuzbass’s neighboring regions in particular, its issues cannot be satisfactorily resolved. At large, when strategic planning followed this assumption, it contributed to how fast and holistically the territory developed. Considering that, in the 21st century, strategy makers diverged from this concept and started to search for new approaches, the region’s economy has slowed down and its living standards have declined sharply. The momentum can be reversed with an active state socio-economic policy. Its previous forms, however, when the state gave preferences to private companies and did not require corresponding growth in standards of living in return, became unacceptable. It is necessary to work out a system of effective solutions and measures with mechanisms for reconciling the interests of the government, business and society within approaches that are adequate to the political and economic reality of today’s world.

COMBATING TRANSNATIONAL CRIME IN AFRICA: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES

2006 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN HATCHARD
Keyword(s):  
Transnational Crime ◽  
Environmental Crime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Third ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
Proceeds Of Crime ◽  
Made In

Transnational crime is a major problem for African states with corruption, trafficking of persons, drugs trafficking, environmental crime and the like posing a major threat to development and stability. This article examines three challenges that states must tackle in order to combat transnational crime effectively. The first is how to deal with criminals who operate outside the jurisdiction. The second concerns the investigation of crimes with a transnational element. The third challenge involves tracing and then recovering the proceeds of crime that have been moved out of the country where the crime occurred. Here the need for Western states to cooperate with those in Africa is highlighted. Drawing on examples from Lesotho and Nigeria in particular, it is argued that some progress is being made in meeting these challenges. However, the article notes that developing the political will to tackle transnational crime is fundamental to any lasting improvement.

Can Russia Fight Organized Crime and Corruption?

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Louise I. Shelley
Keyword(s):  
Organized Crime ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Structural Problems ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
High Level ◽  
Personal Interests

The murder of Valentin Tsvetkov, the governor of Magadan in central Moscow in broad day light in October 2002 highlights that organized crime and corruption are still alive and well and highly destructive of life and governance in Russia (Wines, 2002). His murder once again raises the question, “Why has Russia not been able to stop organized crime and high level corruption?” The answer is that Russia docs not have the political will at the national, regional or local level to fight these problems. This is true because the Kremlin and economic elite push their personal interests over those of the state and the society. Structural problems such as low salaries of state personnel and the embedding of organized crime and corruption make reform very difficult.

scholarly journals Addressing Poverty in Sudan and Malaysia: A Story of Success and Constraints

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 206
Author(s):  
Hillo Abdelatti ◽  
Yasin Elhadary ◽  
Narimah Samat
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
World Bank ◽  
Poverty Line ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
National Governments ◽  
Desk Review ◽  
Made In

Sudan and Malaysia have shown some socio-economic similarities especially when it comes to the issue of addressing poverty. After independence, almost half of the entire population of both countries were living under poverty line. The successive national governments in both countries have embarked on eliminating the extreme poverty. The aim of this paper is to highlight the policies and programmes adopted and implemented by policymakers in both countries in addressing poverty. The overall objective is to uncover the secret of the success and constraints faced both countries in addressing poverty. To achieve such objective, the paper based mainly on a desk review of recent documents and review of some recent researches' result. The paper has come out with that the similarities between both countries manifested itself in that both are classified as Muslim countries, have an agricultural background, inherited the same legacy as been colonized by British, their communities consist of various ethnic groups and minorities with sharp spatial and ethnic inequalities in income and social class. Despite these, Malaysia has succeeded in reducing poverty from over fifty 52.4% in 1970 to around one per cent 1.2 % in 2015, while less progress has been made in side of Sudan. Moreover, unlike Sudan, Malaysia has managed to achieve the MDGs goals in halving a head before the time determined, while Sudan has long way and it seems impossible to fulfil such objective even after 2015. Our findings have shown that, formulated home-grown policies, rejecting imposed policies by international institutions (World Bank), availability and accessibility of up to date poverty data, ability to implement policies and above all the political will are the main drivers behind the secret of success in the side of Malaysia and vice versa for Sudan. Sudan like other countries has to follow the Malaysia model if the decision makers are serious in eliminating poverty. This paper may contribute to the on-going discussion on poverty and open rooms for more comparative study between nations. Comparative study will help the planners in formulating rational policy, benefitting from exchanging ideas and learning from each.

scholarly journals Is This Tax Reform, or Just Confusion?

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 73-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Slemrod
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Tax Reform ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Tax Base ◽  
Tax System ◽  
The Law ◽  
Jobs Act ◽  
Tax Cuts

Based on the experience of recent decades, the United States apparently musters the political will to change its tax system comprehensively about every 30 years, so it seems especially important to get it right when the chance arises. Based on the strong public statements of economists opposing and supporting the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, a causal observer might wonder whether this law was tax reform or mere confusion. In this paper, I address that question and, more importantly, offer an assessment of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. The law is clearly not “tax reform” as economists usually use that term: that is, it does not seek to broaden the tax base and reduce marginal rates in a roughly revenue-neutral manner. However, the law is not just a muddle. It seeks to address some widely acknowledged issues with corporate taxation, and takes some steps toward broadening the tax base, in part by reducing the incentive to itemize deductions.

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