scholarly journals Red Don Cossacks in 1918

Author(s):  
Andrey Venkov

Introduction. Red Soviet Cossacks were little studied by Soviet historical science, because their presence and number did not always correspond to the theory of class struggle. Most Cossacks opposed the Bolsheviks during the Civil War, but the Bolsheviks always tried to create their red Cossack military units. At first they tried to revive the old Cossack regiments of the tsarist army, but under the command of Soviet power supporters. Then they tried to mobilize the Cossacks in the Red army, but the mobilization did not give the expected result. Materials. The source used materials from the Cossack Department of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the State Archive of the Russian Federation; funds of the Red Cossack units in the Red Army (23rd Infantry Division) – Russian State Military Archive; information material on the Cossack parts of the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History; similar documentation stored in the funds of the Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of Rostov Region. The author used publications of Bolshevist and anti-Bolshevist periodicals, which show how the Don Cossacks and their Bolsheviks and their opponents characterized the Red Don Cossacks. Analysis. In summer 1918, the interest of Cossacks in economic relations with the cities of Central Russia played an important role, and some Cossack settlements supported the Bolsheviks in order not to break these economic contacts. Nevertheless, Cossack Soviet regiments were created by September–October, 1918. They consisted of volunteers, and their quantity was limited. In the documents of the Cossack Department of the Central Executive Committee we find refers to 4 Soviet Cossack regiments created in the first year after the October revolution. In fact, there were more Cossack units, but not all of them reached the number of a regiment. At the end of 1918, when the Red army launched the offensive, the number of Soviet Cossack regiments increased. Results. When forming Soviet Cossack regiments, the Bolsheviks tried to use old organizational forms – to revive the Don Cossack regiments of the tsarist army, but under new leadership. It succeeded partially. The attempts to mobilize the Cossacks in the Red Army did not give the expected result. In the event of sharp changes in the situation at the front in favor of the enemy, the mobilized either switched to his side or went home. The basis of forming Soviet Cossack units in 1918 formed the principle of voluntariness. Soviet Cossack units were formed primarily under general democratic slogans and where there was no obvious conflict between Cossack and non- Cossack population. In 1918, while the Bolsheviks did not pursue the policy of food dictatorship and did not curtail trade, a significant role for the Red Cossacks was played by the factor of their economic ties with large Russian economic centers. Cossack regiments of the Red Army inherited the high fighting qualities of the Cossack units from the old tsarist army, maneuverability and stamina inherent to the Cossacks, as evidenced by the high score they were given by the representatives of the hostile camp.

2020 ◽  
pp. 529-539
Author(s):  
Elena V. Barysheva ◽  

The article, based on the materials of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History and the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, explores the history of financing Soviet state holidays, beginning with the first anniversaries of the October Revolution. The Bolsheviks, realizing the importance of public holidays as an effective tool for legitimizing Soviet power and promoting new spiritual values, allocated significant amounts for their organization even during the economically difficult period of the Civil War. In the early years of the Soviet power, the decoration of cities and demonstrations was rather ascetic, and the money allocated for the holidays was to be used to maintain the authority among the Red Army soldiers. Later, the decoration of cities for the festivities on November 7 and May 1 became more varied. Preparation began in advance, decoration of cities and columns of workers was paid for by the city and district party organizations and by the trade unions. In 1925, among the anniversaries that were planned on a grand scale, was the 20th anniversary of the 1905 Revolution. The article shows how the issue of its financing was resolved. Subsequently, the economic support of festive events, primarily on November 7 and May 1, was assigned to the enterprises. At the same time, the question of expediency of such significant expenses on decorating cities, holiday stands, and columns of workers has been repeatedly raised not only by the holiday organizers, but also by the demonstrations participants. They said that some institutions and senior executives got carried away by enthusiasm for anniversaries, ceremonies, and banquets. The Decree of the Politburo of the Central Committee “On Anniversaries” (1928) peremptorily prohibited organization of anniversaries and celebrations without special permission. In 1938, the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks “On Prevention of Spending Unnecessary Funds in Celebrating May 1, 1938” finally determined the procedure and sources of financing of the Soviet state holidays. This Decision became the basis for all subsequent decisions on financing holiday events.


Author(s):  
Michelle Getchell

Based on archival research in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI) and the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVPRF), as well as on published primary source document collections, this paper argues that Cuba’s role as Soviet ally conflicted with Fidel Castro’s desire to assume a leadership role in the Non-Aligned Movement. As Castro sought to balance his aspirations for leadership of the Non-Aligned Movement with his obligations as Soviet ally, Soviet officials attempted to capitalize on Cuba’s position in the movement to achieve a closer relationship between the Third World and the socialist bloc. U.S. officials struggled to discredit Castro and delegitimize his claims to non-aligned status, but were ultimately unable to prevent the movement’s turn toward a more pronounced anti-American stance in the 1970s and early 1980s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Ilyas Huseynov

In modern political science and social sciences, interest in cross-cultural research in the framework of various scientific methodologies is growing. The article is devoted to the study of one of the most pressing problems of our time, which is of great interest to Azerbaijan and Greece. This article describes in detail the historical situation in which the Greeks were forced to settle in the Caucasus. The article discusses the main reasons for the creation of the first Greek settlements in Azerbaijan. The author in a broad context considers the activities of the Greeks in Azerbaijan. The article analyzes the main reasons for the unification of the Greeks of Azerbaijan, and the creation of the Greek Philanthropic (charity) society. Moreover, the article focuses on the activities of the theater group "Evripidis", operating in this society. It should be noted that the football team "Embros" (Forward) was a source of pride for the Greeks living in Baku. The article also mentions the repression and mass arrests of the "Father of the Nations" against the Greeks. At the same time, it is emphasized that, as a result of Stalin’s policy, the Greeks living in Baku were resettled in the deserts of Kazakhstan in difficult conditions. The article analyzes the political motives of the resettlement of Greeks from Azerbaijan. At the same time, a large place in the article is devoted to the recollections of Azerbaijani Greeks forced to resettle in inhuman conditions. Documents and their photographs from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History and from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History on the resettlement of the Greeks, and according to the NKVD Directive No. 50215 of December 11, 1937, protocols No. 46, 61, 91 of the sentences of the Greeks living in the Azerbaijan SSR were first presented the scientific community of our country. The article also analyzes the integration of the Greeks into Azerbaijani society and their contacts with the multicultural environment of Azerbaijan. The article also discusses the activities of the Greek community "ARGO", created by the Greeks living in the country after the restoration of independence of Azerbaijan.


2020 ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
S.A. Zhevalov

The article investigates the supply of agricultural products of the Krasnodar Territory during the Great Patriotic War. The relevance of the issue is caused by constant discussions about the significance of the contribution of domestic supplies of agricultural products to the Great Victory. The documents that has formed the basis of the article are kept in the Russian State Archive of Economics (RSAE). The total amount of agricultural products of the Krasnodar Territory supplied to the state in 1941- 1945 is determined using the archival sources. The author demonstrates the dynamics of the supply of all food products. The principles of historicism, objectivity, scientific character and consistency have become the basis of this article. Historical-comparative, historical-genetic and statistical methods have been also used in the article. The author has concluded that the collective farm-state farming system in the countryside managed to provide the Red Army and the Soviet people with the necessary amount of bread, potatoes, vegetables, meat, milk, eggs, etc.


2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-151
Author(s):  
Seppo Lallukka ◽  
Liudmila Nikitina

On 26 February 1925, the Soviet government, or the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR, passed a resolution that, in effect, ensured the continuation of the separate development of the southern and the northern Komi, that is, the Komi-Permiaks and the Komi-Zyrians. In more detail, the Presidium decided,(1) Considering the great territorial distance of the Permiak region from the Komi area, and owing to the lack of mutual economic ties between these two territories, to refuse the request of the Komi autonomous area and representatives of the Permiak population for inclusion of the Permiak region in the Komi area, thus keeping the Permiak region within the Urals province. (2) To consider it expedient to make the Permiak region into a special national okrug [that is, national district] with special concise staff and to subordinate the okrug directly to the Executive Committee of the Urals province.


2020 ◽  
pp. 971-982
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Madzharov ◽  

The controversial issue of balance between ideal and material causes of the religious Raskol in the Russian Orthodox Church remains significant from its emergence to present day. Some definitions of developed Soviet historiography are also controversial, in particular, the thesis of the Schism being an “external religious shell” that hides its secular core. The article examines the religious (ideal) content of the protest. It draws on published documents of the Vyazniki Investigation Office of the Secret Chancery (Prikaz tainykh del) stored in the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA) (fond of State Archive of the Russian Empire in the XXVII Category). Reliability of the data has been established by comparing of independent sources and interrelated messages. The dossier includes 106 documents: accusations (Izvety), petitions (Chelobitnye), edicts (Ukaznye gramoty), orders (Nakaznye stat'i) of the Secret Chancery, extracts from the Secret Chancery books (Iz zapisnoi knigi Tainogo prikaza), interrogations (Doprosy), torture evidence (Pytochnye rechi), law confrontations (Ochnye stavki), reports (Otpiski), etc. They testify that the religious (ideal) “beliefs” of the Raskolniki laid the basis of their religious movement and were the reason for introduction of protest “norms of behavior” in the Vladimir, Suzdal, and Gorokhovets uezds of Central Russia in 1665–66. Totality of documentary data proves that Schism teachers and “ordinary” dissenters unanimously explained their protest by religious (ideal) motives. They refused to go to “the Lord’s church" for office read from “new books,” to sign themselves “with three fingers,” “to be baptized,” to confess, to receive communion. Religious dissidents believed the word of their teachers that the “change of the Holy Scripture” should result in the appearance of the “forerunner and Antichrist.” Some Raskolniki joined in the “blasphemies” on the tsar and Patriarch Nikon pronounced by teacher Vavila. For “salvation of their souls” from the “Antichrist,” the old believers implemented medieval “norms of behavior”: they withdraw to deserts, they were guided by the Raskol teachers, fasted, and prayed before their own icons. The ideal and material forms of protest sprang from the ideal nature of the Raskol.


2021 ◽  
pp. 141-155
Author(s):  
Olga M. Morozova ◽  

The internal situation in the Don region in 1918, during the intervention of armed units of the Austrian and German armies, has been overshadowed in the scholarship by two key phenomena: fates of the Volunteer Movement and formation of the quasi-state, All-Great Don Host. It is important to reconstruct the events that took place in the Don towns and villages in May–November 1918. Historical sources are scattered throughout archives and libraries. The author has used fonds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the State Archive of the Rostov Region, and the Center for Documentation on the Contemporary History of the Rostov Region. Austrian and German units that appeared on the borders of the Don region in early May 1918 engaged in combat only with the Red Army detachments. Cossacks and foreign troops fought together from the very beginning. In future, the German administration strove to organize uninterrupted supplies of industrial raw materials and products, food and fodder from the Don territory. In order to do this, the Germans occupied key control points and transport communications in the Western part of the region. A double government was introduced in the villages: alongside atamans there appeared German commandants. Re-election of Ataman P. N. Krasnov in August 1918 was ensured by the Germans; his most influential opponents were neutralized; censorship for the press was introduced. The Germans held a neutral position towards Russian officers and the Volunteer Army. The experience of intervention in the South of Russia influenced the fate of Germany, as German soldiers received a practical lesson in revolutionary action. Presence of the Central Powers’ troops in Russia forced the Entente countries to intervene more actively in the affairs of their former ally. Germany assumed that successful results of the armistice on the Eastern Front could be replicated on the Western Front.


Author(s):  
Yuri Stolyarov

Following previous papers about the activities of V. I. Charnolusky (Scientific and Technical Libraries. - 2016. - № 10-12; 2017. - № 2), undeservingly forgotten Russian bibliographer, Doctor of pedagogical sciences, professor, his last creative project Union-wide oriented is highlighted. The project deals with: formation of All-Union Information and Bibliographic Bureau, Russian State Library for People’s Education under the aegis of the USSR Central Executive Committee Academic Committee, but operating on the premises of V. I. Lenin State Library of the USSR. The destiny of that project and its negative consequences for both Russian State Library for People’s Education and V. I. Charnolusky personally are studied.


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