scholarly journals "Release 10 Billion": On the Issue of Financing Soviet Holidays and Anniversaries

2020 ◽  
pp. 529-539
Author(s):  
Elena V. Barysheva ◽  

The article, based on the materials of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History and the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, explores the history of financing Soviet state holidays, beginning with the first anniversaries of the October Revolution. The Bolsheviks, realizing the importance of public holidays as an effective tool for legitimizing Soviet power and promoting new spiritual values, allocated significant amounts for their organization even during the economically difficult period of the Civil War. In the early years of the Soviet power, the decoration of cities and demonstrations was rather ascetic, and the money allocated for the holidays was to be used to maintain the authority among the Red Army soldiers. Later, the decoration of cities for the festivities on November 7 and May 1 became more varied. Preparation began in advance, decoration of cities and columns of workers was paid for by the city and district party organizations and by the trade unions. In 1925, among the anniversaries that were planned on a grand scale, was the 20th anniversary of the 1905 Revolution. The article shows how the issue of its financing was resolved. Subsequently, the economic support of festive events, primarily on November 7 and May 1, was assigned to the enterprises. At the same time, the question of expediency of such significant expenses on decorating cities, holiday stands, and columns of workers has been repeatedly raised not only by the holiday organizers, but also by the demonstrations participants. They said that some institutions and senior executives got carried away by enthusiasm for anniversaries, ceremonies, and banquets. The Decree of the Politburo of the Central Committee “On Anniversaries” (1928) peremptorily prohibited organization of anniversaries and celebrations without special permission. In 1938, the Decree of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks “On Prevention of Spending Unnecessary Funds in Celebrating May 1, 1938” finally determined the procedure and sources of financing of the Soviet state holidays. This Decision became the basis for all subsequent decisions on financing holiday events.

2021 ◽  
pp. 105-117
Author(s):  
Nikita Yu. Pivovarov ◽  
◽  
Vitaly V. Tikhonov ◽  

The article is devoted to the problem that remains virtually unknown to the scholarship, i.e. the ordinary citizens’ assessment of the quality of late-Soviet medical system. It is to introduce into scientific use and to analyze a complex of letters from the readers of several Soviet newspapers concerning the state of Soviet health care system, which were received in response to the Soviet Minister of Health B. V. Petrovsky’s interview to the Literaturnaya Gazeta in the spring of 1974. The letters were deposited in the fond of the Central Committee of the CPSU in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI). The interview aroused great interest among its readers, as evidenced by numerous letters received in Soviet newspapers and transmitted to the Central Committee of the CPSU. The authors of many letters were critical of the existing health care system in the USSR. They complained of lack of information about treatment, lack of medicines, poor conditions in hospitals and clinics (especially in rural areas), lack of modern medical devices, and insufficient number of ambulances. Some letters defended non-traditional methods of treatment, homeopathy in particular. A special group consisted of complaints about violations of medical ethics: negligence of doctors, their rudeness and callousness, and “impunity” of doctors who committed medical errors. The letters described cases of doctors’ inaction that resulted in patient’s death. Some letters called for authorizing fee-for-service medicine and providing a right to choose one’s doctor. The deluge of letters prompted inspection at the highest level. Employees of the Department of Science and Educational Institutions of the Central Committee of the CPSU and those of the Ministry of Health confirmed most described facts. Following the inspection resolutions were prepared in order to improve the quality of medical personnel’s work. The article concludes that the analyzed letters complex demonstrates problems of the Soviet health care system and population’s dissatisfaction with it, and, furthermore, calls for public discussion and serious reform.


Author(s):  
Andrey Venkov

Introduction. Red Soviet Cossacks were little studied by Soviet historical science, because their presence and number did not always correspond to the theory of class struggle. Most Cossacks opposed the Bolsheviks during the Civil War, but the Bolsheviks always tried to create their red Cossack military units. At first they tried to revive the old Cossack regiments of the tsarist army, but under the command of Soviet power supporters. Then they tried to mobilize the Cossacks in the Red army, but the mobilization did not give the expected result. Materials. The source used materials from the Cossack Department of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the State Archive of the Russian Federation; funds of the Red Cossack units in the Red Army (23rd Infantry Division) – Russian State Military Archive; information material on the Cossack parts of the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History; similar documentation stored in the funds of the Center for Documentation of Contemporary History of Rostov Region. The author used publications of Bolshevist and anti-Bolshevist periodicals, which show how the Don Cossacks and their Bolsheviks and their opponents characterized the Red Don Cossacks. Analysis. In summer 1918, the interest of Cossacks in economic relations with the cities of Central Russia played an important role, and some Cossack settlements supported the Bolsheviks in order not to break these economic contacts. Nevertheless, Cossack Soviet regiments were created by September–October, 1918. They consisted of volunteers, and their quantity was limited. In the documents of the Cossack Department of the Central Executive Committee we find refers to 4 Soviet Cossack regiments created in the first year after the October revolution. In fact, there were more Cossack units, but not all of them reached the number of a regiment. At the end of 1918, when the Red army launched the offensive, the number of Soviet Cossack regiments increased. Results. When forming Soviet Cossack regiments, the Bolsheviks tried to use old organizational forms – to revive the Don Cossack regiments of the tsarist army, but under new leadership. It succeeded partially. The attempts to mobilize the Cossacks in the Red Army did not give the expected result. In the event of sharp changes in the situation at the front in favor of the enemy, the mobilized either switched to his side or went home. The basis of forming Soviet Cossack units in 1918 formed the principle of voluntariness. Soviet Cossack units were formed primarily under general democratic slogans and where there was no obvious conflict between Cossack and non- Cossack population. In 1918, while the Bolsheviks did not pursue the policy of food dictatorship and did not curtail trade, a significant role for the Red Cossacks was played by the factor of their economic ties with large Russian economic centers. Cossack regiments of the Red Army inherited the high fighting qualities of the Cossack units from the old tsarist army, maneuverability and stamina inherent to the Cossacks, as evidenced by the high score they were given by the representatives of the hostile camp.


Author(s):  
Michelle Getchell

Based on archival research in the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI) and the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVPRF), as well as on published primary source document collections, this paper argues that Cuba’s role as Soviet ally conflicted with Fidel Castro’s desire to assume a leadership role in the Non-Aligned Movement. As Castro sought to balance his aspirations for leadership of the Non-Aligned Movement with his obligations as Soviet ally, Soviet officials attempted to capitalize on Cuba’s position in the movement to achieve a closer relationship between the Third World and the socialist bloc. U.S. officials struggled to discredit Castro and delegitimize his claims to non-aligned status, but were ultimately unable to prevent the movement’s turn toward a more pronounced anti-American stance in the 1970s and early 1980s.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Ilyas Huseynov

In modern political science and social sciences, interest in cross-cultural research in the framework of various scientific methodologies is growing. The article is devoted to the study of one of the most pressing problems of our time, which is of great interest to Azerbaijan and Greece. This article describes in detail the historical situation in which the Greeks were forced to settle in the Caucasus. The article discusses the main reasons for the creation of the first Greek settlements in Azerbaijan. The author in a broad context considers the activities of the Greeks in Azerbaijan. The article analyzes the main reasons for the unification of the Greeks of Azerbaijan, and the creation of the Greek Philanthropic (charity) society. Moreover, the article focuses on the activities of the theater group "Evripidis", operating in this society. It should be noted that the football team "Embros" (Forward) was a source of pride for the Greeks living in Baku. The article also mentions the repression and mass arrests of the "Father of the Nations" against the Greeks. At the same time, it is emphasized that, as a result of Stalin’s policy, the Greeks living in Baku were resettled in the deserts of Kazakhstan in difficult conditions. The article analyzes the political motives of the resettlement of Greeks from Azerbaijan. At the same time, a large place in the article is devoted to the recollections of Azerbaijani Greeks forced to resettle in inhuman conditions. Documents and their photographs from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History and from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History on the resettlement of the Greeks, and according to the NKVD Directive No. 50215 of December 11, 1937, protocols No. 46, 61, 91 of the sentences of the Greeks living in the Azerbaijan SSR were first presented the scientific community of our country. The article also analyzes the integration of the Greeks into Azerbaijani society and their contacts with the multicultural environment of Azerbaijan. The article also discusses the activities of the Greek community "ARGO", created by the Greeks living in the country after the restoration of independence of Azerbaijan.


2019 ◽  
pp. 467-479
Author(s):  
Michail V. Bryantsev ◽  

The article analyses the aftermath of the publication of Trotsky's “The Lessons of October” in autumn of 1924, which produced much controversy in the camp of his opponents. Kamenev, Stalin, and his others smote Trotsky and posed the question “Leninism or Trotskyism?” to antithesize Lenin and Trotsky. The controversy was in the focus of attention of Soviet citizens, who showed “great interest” in this “literary discussion.” The issue remained center-stage in late 1924 - early 1925. The analysis of information materials demonstrates controversial attitudes of the population to the struggle. Many championed Trotsky. Having no way to find out more about Trotsky's views and mistrusting official publications, people often gave preference to rumors, which reflected not facts, but their wishes. Many saw in Trotsky their defender from the arbitrary rule, who acted in the interest of the people and suffered for his views. Many, party members also, demanded to allow Trotsky to express his opinions outside the framework of propaganda. At the same time, the “The Lessons of October” fed the negative image of Trotsky, already in formation. Quite noticeable role was played by the official propaganda trying to paint Trotsky as a traitor to the interests of the Soviet state. Not understanding the mechanism of the internal conflicts which after Lenin's death were tearing the RCP(B) apart, the population was swept by the Central Committee propaganda. Party propagandists cast Trotsky as a detractor of the party and Lenin himself. The campaign launched against Trotsky and his “The Lessons of October” bore its fruit. The authorities presented Trotsky as a Menshevik and unscrupulous enemy of the Soviet power. Information materials of early 1925 show not only a slump in Trotsky’s popularity, but also a growing bias against him.


2020 ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
S.A. Zhevalov

The article investigates the supply of agricultural products of the Krasnodar Territory during the Great Patriotic War. The relevance of the issue is caused by constant discussions about the significance of the contribution of domestic supplies of agricultural products to the Great Victory. The documents that has formed the basis of the article are kept in the Russian State Archive of Economics (RSAE). The total amount of agricultural products of the Krasnodar Territory supplied to the state in 1941- 1945 is determined using the archival sources. The author demonstrates the dynamics of the supply of all food products. The principles of historicism, objectivity, scientific character and consistency have become the basis of this article. Historical-comparative, historical-genetic and statistical methods have been also used in the article. The author has concluded that the collective farm-state farming system in the countryside managed to provide the Red Army and the Soviet people with the necessary amount of bread, potatoes, vegetables, meat, milk, eggs, etc.


2021 ◽  
pp. 141-155
Author(s):  
Olga M. Morozova ◽  

The internal situation in the Don region in 1918, during the intervention of armed units of the Austrian and German armies, has been overshadowed in the scholarship by two key phenomena: fates of the Volunteer Movement and formation of the quasi-state, All-Great Don Host. It is important to reconstruct the events that took place in the Don towns and villages in May–November 1918. Historical sources are scattered throughout archives and libraries. The author has used fonds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the State Archive of the Rostov Region, and the Center for Documentation on the Contemporary History of the Rostov Region. Austrian and German units that appeared on the borders of the Don region in early May 1918 engaged in combat only with the Red Army detachments. Cossacks and foreign troops fought together from the very beginning. In future, the German administration strove to organize uninterrupted supplies of industrial raw materials and products, food and fodder from the Don territory. In order to do this, the Germans occupied key control points and transport communications in the Western part of the region. A double government was introduced in the villages: alongside atamans there appeared German commandants. Re-election of Ataman P. N. Krasnov in August 1918 was ensured by the Germans; his most influential opponents were neutralized; censorship for the press was introduced. The Germans held a neutral position towards Russian officers and the Volunteer Army. The experience of intervention in the South of Russia influenced the fate of Germany, as German soldiers received a practical lesson in revolutionary action. Presence of the Central Powers’ troops in Russia forced the Entente countries to intervene more actively in the affairs of their former ally. Germany assumed that successful results of the armistice on the Eastern Front could be replicated on the Western Front.


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