scholarly journals State Policy Concerning Russian Orthodox Church Between 1958 and 1964 (Based on Krasnodar Krai)

2019 ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
Natalia Belikova
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
The State ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Krasnodar Krai ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
The Public ◽  
System Method ◽  
The Government

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of revealing the consequences of state religious policy in the region under study in the period between 1958 and 1964. The initial date is associated with the end of the post-Stalin struggle for leadership in the Communist party and the state and the formation of a new Church policy aimed at the destruction of religious organizations in the USSR. The end of the period is associated with the change of the top leadership of the USSR and the attendant changes in religious policy. In order to identify the consequences of state religious policy, the author analyzes the nature and content of this policy, as well as the attitude of believers to the anti-church actions of local authorities. The territory of the Krasnodar and Kuban dioceses in the period under study corresponded to the administrative borders of Krasnodar Krai. This diocese was headed by Metropolitan Viktor (Svyatin). Methods and materials. The use of the statistical method allowed the author to reveal the dynamics of personnel changes among the Orthodox clergy, the number of closed temples in the Krasnodar and Kuban dioceses and the number of religious ceremonies performed by the clergy. As a result of applying the system method the author reveals that not only local Soviet and party authorities took part in implementing religious policy, but also the public was actively involved that gave large-scale anti-Church actions. Analysis. The aspiration of authorities to the full replacement of the Orthodox church from life of citizens in the region under study led to the loss of more than a half of personnel structure of priests and to closing more than 50 % of temples. To fight against religious traditions the government used both administrative measures expressed in changing the rules of the baptism ceremony, and distribution of experience of Soviet non-religious rites. These measures led to the fact that in the period between 1958 and 1964 the number of baptisms decreased by 38.2 %, weddings – by 87 %, funerals – by 66 %. However, residents of the region continued to visit churches and participate in religious ceremonies. Results. It was found that in Krasnodar Krai the rite of baptism amounted to the largest percentage compared to other rites, which indicates the greater demand for thisrite among the parishioners. As a result of the state religious policy, the Orthodox Church as an institution was dealta serious blow, but it was not possible to eliminate the religiosity of the population.

scholarly journals Religious Policy in Late Imperial Russia: State and Orthodox Church in the Buryat Spiritual Space

2020 ◽  
pp. 1056-1064
Author(s):  
Darima D. Amogolonova
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Population ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Late 19Th Century ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Government

The paper analyses the situation that took the most expressed forms since the late 19th century and reflected strengthening criticism from the Orthodox Church against both the Buddhist clergy and the Russian state. The contradictions between the state and the Orthodox policies were caused by differences in principles, since when giving Buddhism some legitimacy the government was guided by the interests of Russia in the east of the Empire, while the Orthodox Church saw its task in suppressing the influence of the Buddhist clergy through the soonest religious and ideological homogenisation of Buryats with the ethnic Russian population

scholarly journals Renegation in the Russian Orthodox Church: Undermining Foundations or Purification? To the Question of Church-State Relations in the 1960es

2014 ◽  
pp. 114-119
Author(s):  
Dmitry I. Sazonov
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
The Public ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
The Times ◽  
State Relations ◽  
The Church

Addresses the times of the Khrushchev thaw as a period of the Russian Orthodox Church persecution. The public rejections of faith by some priests or Renegation were among its instruments. Their “revelations of religion” were used for propaganda of atheist worldview by the Communist Party representatives. However, the Renegation has not undermined the Church foundations; the author argues that it has only expelled Vicars of Bray and disappeared as a phenomenon when new relationship between the State and the Church was established

scholarly journals Changes in the organisation of parish administration in the Russian Orthodox Church in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia

2019 ◽  
pp. 65-69
Author(s):  
Dmitriy I. Sazonov ◽  
Aleksey A. Fedotov
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Religious Policy ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
State Legislative

The article reveals the changes that took place in the parish administration of the Russian Orthodox Church after the revolutionary events of 1917. It is shown how during the last hundred years within the framework of changes in the state religious policy, the opportunities for the clergy to participate in the management of parishes have changed. State legislative acts regulating the religious sphere and documents adopted by local and bishops' Councils are analysed. The article assesses the attempts to use the experience of Congregationalism in the management of the Orthodox Church in Russia, including at the present historical stage.

scholarly journals THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY’S VIEW OF THE SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH

2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-80
Author(s):  
Dragan Novaković
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
The Public ◽  
Daunting Task ◽  
Canonical Order ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
The Church

After obtaining autonomy from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1831, the Serbian Orthodox Church gradually established and strenghtened its position by means of constitutions and laws of the Principality of Serbia which were passed in the course of the XIX century. The established status of an official state church implied considerable priviledges but also the readiness to accept potential candidates designated by the Prince or the Government for the highest hierarch positions as well as the state’s control over practically all segments of religious life. This relationship in which provisions of the Canon Law were frequently ignored, forged a kind of partnership enabling the state to strenghten its economy and democratic institutions while at the same time providing the church with an opportunity to improve its internal organization, the quality of candidates entering priesthood and to create favourable conditions for its spiritual mission. The dissatisfaction with the Russian politics after the Congress of Berlin and the shift towards a new foreign policy relying heavily on the support of Austria-Hungary, soon took toll on the relations between Prince Milan and Metropolitan Mihailo who was a notorious Russophile and a fervent advocate of the Pan-Slavic solidarity. Dissatisfied with the Metropolitan’s activities in Bosnia, the new ally demanded that the Prince remove the dangerous opponent which proved to be a daunting task, due to the Metropolitan’s popularity and his demonstrated leadership skills. In 1881, under the pretext that the Church opposed the Tax law, the Prince’s Government, led by the Progressive Political Party first removed Metropolitan Mihailo which was followed by the removal of all other remaining disobedient Episcopes in 1883. The 1882 amendments to the Law on Church Authorities of the Eastern Orthodox Religion which resulted in changes of the composition of the Assembly of Bishops and included more lay people in the body tasked with the election of the Metropolitan, represented a genuine coup against the Church unprecedented in its centuries long history and practically annulled the canonical order governing the life and functioning of the Orthodox Churches. Having elected the new Metropolitan and Episcopes, the Government led by the Progressive Party established such an organization of the Church which was utterly dependent on the will of the state and the balance of powers on the Serbia’s political scene. The altered political circumstances brought about by King Milan’s abdication and normalization of relations with the Radical Party, enabled Metropolitan Mihailo’s return and reestablishment of previous order in the Church. The ancient Canons, which were ignored at one point in history, proved their vitality, but these events were also convenient for the growing middle class to send a clear message to the Church that the old times of harmonized activity were gone and that the new forces were taking over the public and state affairs.

Is economic inequality a universal evil?

2019 ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rostislav I. Kapeliushnikov
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Data ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Economic Inequality ◽  
The State ◽  
Fair Play ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
The Public ◽  
Discursive Power ◽  
A Current

Using published estimates of inequality for two countries (Russia and USA) the paper demonstrates that inequality measuring still remains in the state of “statistical cacophony”. Under this condition, it seems at least untimely to pass categorical normative judgments and offer radical political advice for governments. Moreover, the mere practice to draw normative conclusions from quantitative data is ethically invalid since ordinary people (non-intellectuals) tend to evaluate wealth and incomes as admissible or inadmissible not on the basis of their size but basing on whether they were obtained under observance or violations of the rules of “fair play”. The paper concludes that a current large-scale ideological campaign of “struggle against inequality” has been unleashed by left-wing intellectuals in order to strengthen even more their discursive power over the public.

TO THE PROBLEMS OF COMBATING CORRUPTION IN MODERN RUSSIA AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF ANTI-CORRUPTION

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela Dranishnikova
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Modern Life ◽  
Existing Problems ◽  
Moral Point ◽  
Material Goods ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Government

In the article, the author reflects the existing problems of the fight against corruption in the Russian Federation. He focuses on the opacity of the work of state bodies, leading to an increase in bribery and corruption. The topic we have chosen is socially exciting in our days, since its significance is growing on a large scale at all levels of the investigated aspect of our modern life. Democratic institutions are being jeopardized, the difference in the position of social strata of society in society’s access to material goods is growing, and the state of society is suffering from the moral point of view, citizens are losing confidence in the government, and in the top officials of the state.

Ransoming Russians from Tatars: Justification and Practice

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
Donald Ostrowski
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
Gender And Age ◽  
Sliding Scale ◽  
The Government ◽  
Modern Russian

The early modern Russian government and Russian Orthodox Church identified as one of their main duties the ransoming of Russian Christians from Muslim Tatar captors. The process of ransoming could be an involved one with negotiations being carried on by different agents and by the potential ransomees themselves. Different amounts of ransom were paid on a sliding scale depending upon the ransomee’s social status, gender, and age. One of our main sources for the justification of this practice was the Stoglav (100 Chapters) Church Council in 1551, which discussed the issue of ransom in some detail. The Law Code (Ulozhenie) of 1649 specifies the conditions and amounts to be paid to redeem captives. Church writers justified the ransoming of Christian captives of the Muslim Tatars by citing Scripture, and they also specified that the government should pay the ransom out of its own treasury.

People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment

2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Civil Disobedience ◽  
The State ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Growth Strategies ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
Team Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

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