scholarly journals The Dimensions of Partisanship in Canada

1993 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 445-463
Author(s):  
Eric M. Uslaner
Keyword(s):  
British Columbia ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Temporal Stability ◽  
Historical Account ◽  
Provincial Level ◽  
Form Part ◽  
Distinct Dimension ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
Dual Identification

Canadians are said to have weaker partisanship than Americans. Most particularly, many Canadians identify with different parties at the federal and provincial level. To what extent does this dual identification form part of a syndrome of weak partisanship, as institutionalist theories of Canadian partisanship would suggest? LISREL modeling of attitudes toward parties in the 1974-1979 panel of the Canadian National Election Studies finds little support for such an institutionalist view. Instead, Canadians have complex schemata for evaluating parties. Dual identification forms a distinct dimension. There are four other factors: temporal stability for both party identification and voting behavior, the strength of identification at both the federal and provincial levels, and separate dimensions for federal and provincial partisanship. These results provide support for a cultural/historical account, especially given the distinctiveness of schemata for Quebec and British Columbia.

scholarly journals How negative partisanship affects voting behavior in Europe: Evidence from an analysis of 17 European multi-party systems with proportional voting

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 205316801668663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabrina Jasmin Mayer
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Majority Voting ◽  
The Other ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
Conservative Christian ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
Election Studies

While positive party identification is one of the most used concepts in election studies, negative partisanship (NPID) is rarely analyzed. Evidence from two-party systems or settings with majority voting shows that hostility towards one of the other parties has its own unique impact on voting behavior. However, this effect has not been analyzed in the context of European multi-party systems with proportional voting. In this paper, I utilize data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, Module 3, which demonstrates that negative partisanship has its own positive effect on turnout (about nine percentage points). In addition, negative partisanship affects vote choice by 2–6 percentage points. However, contrary to previous findings, NPID does not always affect voting for one of the other parties; no significant relationship was found between NPID and vote choice for Conservative/Christian Democratic and Liberal parties. The results of this study add to the growing literature on negative partisanship and demonstrate its importance in the analysis of voting behavior in multi-party systems.

scholarly journals Regional Variability in COVID-19 Case Fatality Rate in Canada, February–December 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1839
Author(s):  
Eunha Shim
Keyword(s):  
British Columbia ◽  
Case Fatality Rate ◽  
Case Reports ◽  
Case Fatality ◽  
Health Interventions ◽  
Fatality Rate ◽  
Older Individuals ◽  
Regional Variability ◽  
Provincial Level ◽  
Mortality Burden

A total of 475,214 COVID-19 cases, including 13,659 deaths, had been recorded in Canada as of 15 December 2020. The daily reports of confirmed cases and deaths in Canada prior to 15 December 2020 were obtained from publicly available sources and used to examine regional variations in case fatality rate (CFR). Based on a factor of underestimation and the duration of time from symptom onset to death, the time-delay adjusted CFR for COVID-19 was estimated in the four most affected provinces (Quebec, Ontario, Alberta, and British Columbia) and nationwide. The model-based adjusted CFR was higher than the crude CFR throughout the pandemic, primarily owing to the incorporation in our estimation of the delay between case reports and deaths. The adjusted CFR in Canada was estimated to be 3.36% nationwide. At the provincial level, the adjusted CFR was the highest in Quebec (5.13%)—where the proportion of deaths among older individuals was also the highest among the four provinces—followed by Ontario (3.17%), British Columbia (1.97%), and Alberta (1.13%). Provincial-level variations in CFR were considerable, suggesting that public health interventions focused on densely populated areas and elderly individuals can ameliorate the mortality burden of the COVID-19 pandemic.

scholarly journals Redistribution Preferences, Inequality Information, and Partisan Motivated Reasoning in the United States

Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Clem Brooks ◽  
Elijah Harter
Keyword(s):  
Party Identification ◽  
Motivated Reasoning ◽  
The United States ◽  
Quality Data ◽  
Historical Time ◽  
High Quality Data ◽  
Redistributive Policies ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
New Evidence ◽  
The U.S

In an era of rising inequality, the U.S. public’s relatively modest support for redistributive policies has been a puzzle for scholars. Deepening the paradox is recent evidence that presenting information about inequality increases subjects’ support for redistributive policies by only a small amount. What explains inequality information’s limited effects? We extend partisan motivated reasoning scholarship to investigate whether political party identification confounds individuals’ processing of inequality information. Our study considers a much larger number of redistribution preference measures (12) than past scholarship. We offer a second novelty by bringing the dimension of historical time into hypothesis testing. Analyzing high-quality data from four American National Election Studies surveys, we find new evidence that partisanship confounds the interrelationship of inequality information and redistribution preferences. Further, our analyses find the effects of partisanship on redistribution preferences grew in magnitude from 2004 through 2016. We discuss implications for scholarship on information, motivated reasoning, and attitudes towards redistribution.

Data Mining Based Intelligent System for Voting Behavior Analysis

2013 ◽  
Vol 284-287 ◽  
pp. 3070-3073
Author(s):  
Duen Kai Chen
Keyword(s):  
Data Mining ◽  
Behavior Analysis ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Intelligent System ◽  
Data Sets ◽  
Tree Model ◽  
Mining Technology ◽  
Identification Rate ◽  
Voter Identification ◽  
Election Studies

In this study, we report a voting behavior analysis intelligent system based on data mining technology. From previous literature, we have witnessed increasing number of studies applied information technology to facilitate voting behavior analysis. In this study, we built a likely voter identification model through the use of data mining technology, the classification algorithm used here constructs decision tree model to identify voters and non voters. This model is evaluated by its accuracy and number of attributes used to correctly identify likely voter. Our goal is to try to use just a small number of survey questions while maintaining the accuracy rates of other similar models. This model was built and tested on Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) data sets. According to the experimental results, the proposed model can improve likely voter identification rate and this finding is consistent with previous studies based on American National Election Studies.

Introduction to the Volume

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Aldrich ◽  
Kathleen M. McGraw
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Gold Standard ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Congressional Election ◽  
Campaigns And Elections ◽  
Science Projects ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys ◽  
Time Series Analyses ◽  
Election Studies

This chapter is an overview of the American National Election Studies (ANES) as well as its functions and overall significance for study. It indicates how and why the ANES achieved its status as the gold standard among public opinion surveys and how this volume seeks to extend that standard. First used in 1948, the ANES has been in the field in every presidential election and nearly every congressional election since. It is supported by the National Science Foundation (NSF) as one of its three “big social science” projects. Moreover, the ANES's sixty years of measuring public opinion and voting behavior has made possible the compilation of time-series analyses that are now starting to show real insights into, and to change how we view, campaigns and elections. To conclude, the chapter provides some insights into the future of survey research.

Is the Bridge Broken? Increasing Ethnic Attachments and Declining Party Influence among Latino Voters

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591291988857 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason L. Morín ◽  
Yoshira Macías Mejía ◽  
Gabriel R. Sanchez
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Linked Fate ◽  
Latino Community ◽  
The Future ◽  
Partisan Identity ◽  
Partisan Identification

In this article, we test whether perceptions of Latino linked fate influence partisan identification and voting behavior among the Latino electorate across time. Specifically, we contend that attachments to the Latino community have become more widely used heuristics for Latino voters due to an increase in anti-immigrant (Latino) sentiment. Moreover, growing attachments to the Latino community have the potential to influence partisanship and even compete with traditional partisan loyalties (i.e., partisan heuristics) at the polls. To test our argument, we rely on multiple surveys of Latino likely voters with similar measures that span over a decade and a half. Our results indicate that perceptions of linked fate, to varying degrees, are associated with Latino’s decisions to identify with the Democratic Party. At least in more recent presidential elections, they also indicate that Latinos are becoming increasingly reliant on ethnic heuristics while becoming less reliant on their own partisan identity to make decisions at the polls. The findings have important implications for the future of the Democratic and Republican Parties’ ability to court Latino voters and our understanding of how party identification operates among the Latino electorate.

The Impact of Candidates’ Negative Traits on Vote Choice in New Democracies: A Test Based on Presidential Elections in South Korea

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-228
Author(s):  
HeeMin Kim ◽  
Jungho Roh
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Personal Traits ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Western Democracies

The impact of candidates’ negative traits (CNTs) on voting behavior has received significant attention in election studies in recent decades. However, scholarly efforts have focused primarily on elections in advanced Western democracies, largely overlooking the relationship between candidates’ personal traits and the electorate’s voting behaviors in the context of new democracies. In this study, we fill this gap by investigating the impact of CNTs on the electorate’s vote choices in South Korean presidential elections. Our study of CNTs in South Korea shows that CNTs have statistically significant effects on the electorate’s vote choices. Our findings are particularly relevant because many new democracies are implementing fair and free elections, and the elites under previous authoritarian regimes are running in these elections.

The Class Basis of Arqentine Political Parties

1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-167
Author(s):  
Peter G. Snow
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
The Other ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Social

Students of Latin American political parties have long assumed a strong correlation between social class and party identification, yet this assumption has never been tested empirically in any of the Latin American nations. This is probably due in large part to the lack of reliable survey data; however, even the mass of aggregate voting data has seldom been analyzed systematically. As a result, most of what we know—or think we know—about voting behavior in Latin America is based upon the intuitive assumptions of North American scholars. “If I were a member of the Chilean middle class, I would probably vote for the Radicals or Christian Democrats, but on the other hand if I were quite wealthy I would probably vote for the Conservatives.”Students of Argentine politics assume that the Conservative parties, always representing the interests of the nation's aristocracy, have received the bulk of their votes from the large landowners; that the interests of this group consistently have been opposed by the Radical parties who receive their electoral support from the urban middle classes; and that the more recently formed Peronist parties have championed the cause of, and been supported at the polls by, the industrial workers. It is the purpose of this article to test these assumptions, primarily through analysis of aggregate voting data, but also by examining the social backgrounds of party leaders and their actions while in power.

scholarly journals Voting behavior and municipal elections 2014 in Slovakia

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-113
Author(s):  
Peter Horváth ◽  
Karol Šebík
Keyword(s):  
Decision Process ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Social Psychological ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Party Support

Abstract This paper attempts to clarify the patterns of voting behavior among citizens and determinants that could explain voting behavior. In its theoretical part, it deals with the role of party affiliation across several theories of voting behavior - sociological, economic and social-psychological approaches. In section dedicated to interpretation of municipal elections 2014 in regional cities, we evaluate the party identification as the most important factor in voter decision process. We argue, that regional cities are affected by party politics more than smaller cities. Face-to-face contacts with candidates are less frequented and party support plays more and more significant role.

scholarly journals Electoral Reinforcement and the Dynamics of Partisanship Strength

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Andrew J. LoTempio
Keyword(s):  
Life Cycle ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Cumulative Effect ◽  
National Election ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Election Studies

The partisanship strength of individuals is investigated as dependent upon the cumulative effect of their electoral decisions. Using data from the 1956-1960 and 1972-1976 American National Election Studies (NES), voters who reinforce their party identification through loyal presidential vote choices over their life-cycle were found to experience gains in partisanship strength to a larger degree than those who vote for different parties or who do not vote. Additionally, short-term forces such as defecting from one’s party identification in a single election or casting a split-ticket vote hinder life-cycle gains in partisanship. The totality of the evidence shows that the dynamics of partisanship may be better understood if the absence or presence of electoral reinforcement is accounted for across several presidential elections and across the entire ballot in a single election.

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