scholarly journals THE REASONS FOR REGIONALIST PARTIES FRAGMENTATION IN WESTERN EUROPE

Author(s):  
M. V. Isobchuk ◽  

With the expanding representation of the regions and the emergence of new resources for the electoral struggle within political processes in the EU, the number of political parties is multiplying, and regionalist parties are no exception. Earlier most regionalisms had one historically established regionalist party as a representative (for example, SNP in Scotland or Sardinia Action Party in Sardinia). Now, however, the number of regionalist parties within the region may reach up to 10 or higher (Valley D'Aosta, Sardinia). That said, this trend is not obvious: in some cases, there is no fragmentation of regionalism, and regionalism is still represented by one party (for example, Bayernpartei in Bavaria). What is the reason behind the fragmentation of regionalist parties in some cases and absence of it in others? What are the conditions for the emergence of a "second" regionalist party? The research is devoted to answer these questions. Based on 24 cases of Western European regionalism, an attempt was made to explain the factors of regionalist parties fragmentation using the QCA methodology. The structural parameters of the institutional, identity and party orders were used as factors. The study found that structural factors do not directly determine the presence or absence of fragmentation of regionalist parties.

1998 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ertman

Almost none of the conditions that, according to the latest research, favor democratic durability were present in Western Europe between the world wars. Yet only four Western European states became dictatorships during this period, whereas the others remained democratic despite economic crisis, an unhelpful international system, and the lure of nondemocratic alternatives. Several recent works offer new explanations for this pattern of interwar outcomes. Insofar as these works analyze the entire universe of Western European cases, they represent an important methodological advance. However, they remain too wedded to a class-coalitional framework to provide both a parsimonious and a historically accurate account of why democracy collapsed in some states but not in others. This article proposes an alternative explanatory framework that focuses on how political parties can shape association life in such a way as to support or undermine democracy.


Author(s):  
Imre Paska

The sociologists in Hungary have been treating the emerging social system as the new capitalism. This system is different in relation to the classical social systems of Western Europe. The transformation of the system was directed from above, in accordance with this we could speak on the reform-dictature of elites. There was no transition but drastic transformation led by political parties and their clients. This kind of transformation did not allow the deep articulation of the national interests and has made an illusion concerning the capitalism. Namely, the citizens of Hungary are convinced that there is only one type of capitalism, neoliberal capitalism. We are witnesses of dissatisfaction and protests in Hungary, and the EU and its interest-based coordination could be described as the hindrance concerning the irresponsible movements.


Author(s):  
John Phillips ◽  
Emil Stark ◽  
Jerry Wheat

Enlargement of the European Union (EU) will take place on May 1, 2004. Nine countries from Eastern Europe will become full fledged members of the union. While these countries have met the EU accession criteria many are not really ready to compete with Western European companies. One of the major impediments for firms in the East is the hidden costs of joining the union. This paper explores some of the case of the Czech Republic, what hidden costs are currently apparent, and suggests changes that would make the Czech Republic more competitive in Western Europe.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anwen Elias ◽  
Filippo Tronconi

In many Western European states, an increasing number of autonomist parties are taking part in government at state and regional levels. To date, however, scholars have paid little attention to the repercussions of government incumbency for these actors. This article aims to take a first step towards redressing this oversight. Based on an extensive literature examining political parties in government, we formulate hypotheses about how autonomist parties will approach, behave within and be affected by government office. We test these hypotheses by examining the participation of autonomist parties in regional and state governments in Western Europe since 1945. The findings demonstrate that the difficult decisions autonomist parties must make when entering government, the subsequent dilemmas and challenges that must be resolved once the threshold of government has been crossed, and the consequences of government incumbency, are similar to those faced by any political party in government. However, the fact that autonomist parties operate within a multi-level political context can render these challenges more complex than is the case for political parties operating (mainly or exclusively) at a single territorial level, usually that of the state. The article concludes by identifying key factors that affect the success of autonomist parties in government.


2007 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 607-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen

Changes in Western European political parties in general have attracted considerable scholarly interest, whereas changes in party competition have been almost overlooked in an otherwise extensive literature. Using the party manifesto data set, this article documents that party competition in Western Europe is increasingly characterised by issue competition, i.e. competition for the content of the party political agenda. What should be the most salient issues for voters: unemployment, the environment, refugees and immigrants, law and order, the welfare state or foreign policy? This change is crucial because it raises a question about the factors determining the outcome of issue competition. Is it the structure of party competition itself or more unpredictable factors, such as media attention, focusing events or skilful political communication? The two answers to this question have very different implications for the understanding of the role of political parties in today's Western European democracies.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yukihiko Hamada ◽  
Khushbu Agrawal

Money is a necessary component of any democracy: it enables political participation, campaigning and representation. However, if it is not effectively regulated, it can undermine the integrity of political processes and institutions, and jeopardize the quality of democracy. Therefore, regulations related to the funding of political parties and election campaigns, commonly known as political finance, are a critical way to promote integrity, transparency and accountability in any democracy. Political finance regulations must adapt and adjust to political, economic and societal changes. This report contributes to the discussion of the future of political finance by exploring the following trends, opportunities and challenges related to money in politics that need to be taken into consideration when improving political finance systems: • mainstreaming political finance regulations into an overall anti-corruption framework; • supporting the implementation of existing political finance regulations and monitoring their performance; • harnessing digital technologies to ensure transparency and accountability in political finance; and • designing targeted political finance measures to encourage the inclusion of underrepresented groups in politics.


Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

Lay politics lies at the heart of democracy. Political offices are the only offices for which no formal qualifications are required. Contemporary political practices are diametrically opposed to this constitutional ideal. Most contemporary democracies in Western Europe are diploma democracies—ruled by those with the highest formal qualifications. Citizens with low or medium educational qualification levels currently make up about 70 per cent of the electorates, yet they have become virtually absent from almost all political arenas. University graduates have come to dominate all relevant political institutions and venues, from political parties, parliaments and cabinets, to organized interests, deliberative settings, and internet consultations. This rise of a political meritocracy is part of larger trend. In the information society, educational background, like class, or religion, is an important source of social and political divides. Those who are well educated tend to be cosmopolitans, whereas the lesser educated citizens are more likely to be nationalists. This book documents the context, contours, and consequences of this rise of a political meritocracy. It explores the domination of higher educated citizens in political participation, civil society, and political office in Western Europe. It discusses the consequences of this rise of political meritocracy, such as descriptive deficits, policy incongruences, biased standards, and cynicism and distrust. Also, it looks at ways to remedy, or at least mitigate, some of the negative effects of diploma democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-545
Author(s):  
Mark Beeson

AbstractOne of the more striking, surprising, and optimism-inducing features of the contemporary international system has been the decline of interstate war. The key question for students of international relations and comparative politics is how this happy state of affairs came about. In short, was this a universal phenomenon or did some regions play a more important and pioneering role in bringing about peaceful change? As part of the roundtable “International Institutions and Peaceful Change,” this essay suggests that Western Europe generally and the European Union in particular played pivotal roles in transforming the international system and the behavior of policymakers. This helped to create the material and ideational conditions in which other parts of the world could replicate this experience, making war less likely and peaceful change more feasible. This argument is developed by comparing the experiences of the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and their respective institutional offshoots. The essay uses this comparative historical analysis to assess both regions’ capacity to cope with new security challenges, particularly the declining confidence in institutionalized cooperation.


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