scholarly journals Kolchak and «The Allies» in Siberia: the Evaluation by Anti-Bolshevik Politicians

Author(s):  
Alexander Shalak ◽  

In his article, the author considers the works by the famous political opponents of Bolsheviks: N.D. Avksentiev, V.P. Zenzinov, K. Goppers, A. Budberg, K.V. Sakharov, G.K. Guins and D.F. Rakov, in which the activities of A. Kolchak and his government are evaluated. Their evaluation concerns such aspects as the interrelations between Kolchak and the representatives of the «Allies» army, the reaction to the coup and proclaiming him Supreme Governor of Russia, evaluation of his real possibilities and abilities and also of the internal political situation in Siberia and Far East. According to the author, this evaluation does not contradict the conclusions of Soviet historiography. Taking into account the attempts made to re-examine the image of A. Kolchak consolidated in historiography, the author suggests one should evaluate his activities from the perspective of the historicalgeopolitical approach rather than from the perspective of the class theory. Taking into consideration the role of foreign states in his political biography, his choice during the years of the Civil War was not between the Red and the White but between Russia and foreign intervention. The proposed approach allows us to consider the political activities of A. Kolchak in a broader context and to make judgment about him from the geopolitical perspective rather than from the perspective of the class theory. In this case, the criterion for evaluation of the activities of the politician are his actions aimed at the defense of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the state.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2019/2 ◽  
pp. 5-39
Author(s):  
Darius Baronas

ANNOTATION. This article is the first attempt of the biographic research of Grand Duchess Uliana Algirdienė of Lithuania (d. 17/03/1392), based on the critical analysis of primary sources. It is also aimed at pointing out the reflection of the role of women in the pagan Lithuanian society. The research was carried out by means of the analytical and comparative method of historical source analysis with a view to separate as distinctly as possible the information derived from contemporary sources from the images imposed by later historiographic tradition. The article questions the stereotypes related to Uliana’s great political power in Lithuania’s political life that are well-established in modern historiography and present-day cultural memory. With this an attempt is made to draw attention to the problematic nature of information derived from historical sources as well as to more distinctly define the frames imposed by the political culture of pagan Lithuania which clearly marked the boundaries for the political activities of women representing the ruling dynasty. This article for the most part dwells on the issues related to the coverage of Algirdas and Uliana’s marriage and the period of their married life up to Algirdas’ death in 1377. KEYWORDS: Uliana, Algirdas, Simeon, Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Moscow, Tver, Rus’, women


Author(s):  
A. FREDDIE

The article examines the place and role of democracy and human rights in South Africas foreign policy. The author analyzes the process of South Africas foreign policy change after the fall of the apartheid regime and transition to democracy. He gives characteristics of the foreign policy under different presidents of South Africa from 1994 to 2018 and analyzes the political activities of South Africa in the area of peacekeeping and human rights on the African continent.


Author(s):  
Mikhail E. Razinkov

On the basis of published and previously unexplored archival materials from Voronezh, Orel, Kursk, Tambov, Bryansk, the self-organization and relationship with the government of entrepreneurs of the Central Black Earth Region in the period from spring 1917 to summer 1918 is studied. Studying this social group is important for understanding the balance of power in the region. The author comes to the conclusion that entrepreneurs, despite their active participation in political life in the spring and summer of 1917, due to the preservation of traditional ideas about power and the desire to protect and enhance their rights, could not have a significant impact on the development of the political situation in the region. Entrepreneurs did not enjoy exclusive support from government bodies, including government, which refutes the concept that existed in Soviet historiography about the bourgeois nature of the February regime. Moreover, in resolving conflicts, the authorities in 1917 tried to take into account, first of all, the interests of workers. This situation worsened even more for the bourgeoisie with the coming to power of the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who not only supported workers' demands, but also openly robbed entrepreneurs with the help of indemnities. Nevertheless, in order to maintain peace, the Soviet government (especially by the summer of 1918) tried to resolve relations between workers and employers for mutual benefit. At the same time, during the period under study, conflicts between workers and employers reached a high intensity relatively rarely, leaving room for agreements and dialogue, which, however, narrowed.


2001 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Lerner

As a result of the Mexican Revolution, many politicians from various factions were forced into exile between 1906 and 1940, particularly between 1910 and 1920. The subject has merited little attention until the present despite the fact that its study can provide another perspective on the Mexican Revolution, the one of the opponents who were defeated. This study focuses on the exile of the villistas that began in the autumn of 1915 and ended at the beginning of the 1920s. The article considers who were the villista exiles, how they escaped from Mexico, how they adapted economically in the United States, and when they returned to their country. It also examines certain political tendencies and their later activities between 1920 and 1940. Four political activities in the United States intended to change the political situation in Mexico are considered. Finally, the article examines how U.S. authorities, closely involved with their Mexican counterparts, treated the exiles. LaRevolucióón mexicanacausóó elexilio de muchos polííticos de distintas facciones entre 1906 y 1940, sobre todo entre 1910 y 1920. Este tema ha merecido muy pocaatencióón hasta elmomento presente,a pesarde que atravéés de éélpodemos aproximarnos desde otra perpectiva a la Revolucióón mexicana, desde el punto de vista de los opositores que muchas veces fueron los vencidos. Este estudio se centra en el exilio de los villistas que empezóó en el otoñño de 1915 y terminóó a principios de la déécada de 1920. En este artíículo se analiza quiéénes fueron los exiliados villistas, cóómo escaparon de Mééxico, su acomodo econóómico y laboral en Estados Unidos y el retorno a su patria, dejando ver ciertas tendencias polííticas de su actuacióónpolíítica ulterior entre 1920y 1940.Se desmenuzan cuatro actividades polííticas que emprendieron en Estados Unidos para cambiar la situacióón mexicana. Finalmente se abarca la forma en que fueron tratados durante su exilio en los Estados Unidos, por las autoridades de este paíís que estaban estrechamente vinculadas con las mexicanas.


1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. P. Salt

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the relationship between constitutional ideas and political action during the 1630s by comparing the privately expressed ideas of Sir Simonds D'Ewes regarding ship money with his conduct regarding the levy, especially while he was sheriff of Suffolk in 1639–40. The first section investigates the constitutionalist views expressed in D'Ewes's ‘autobiography’, unpublished during his lifetime, and their relationship to D'Ewes's attitude to the political role of the levy. The second section studies D'Ewes's conduct as sheriff, in which he gave almost no expression to constitutionalist ideas, and suggests that he struck a middle course between neglect and zeal, while finding means to oppose the levy through his connections at court. The third section seeks to establish the reasons for the inconsistencies between D'Ewes's privately expressed ideas and his public conduct, which may have lain in a belief that, in the prevailing political situation, criticism of the levy had, in order to be effective, to be expressed in terms acceptable to potentially sympathetic courtiers; D'Ewes adapted the tone of his comments on ship money to his audience in order to achieve political ends, but had also to act in ways which would make that tone convincing. Participation in the collection of ship money was therefore not inconsistent with opposition to it.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3C) ◽  
pp. 272-277
Author(s):  
Andrey Ivanovich Baksheev ◽  
Pavel Alexandrovich Novikov ◽  
Alla Lospanovna Mongush ◽  
Saida Vladimirovna Saaya ◽  
Julia Sergeevna Shepeleva ◽  
...  

The article analyzes the prerequisites of self-determination and sovereignty of Tuva in 1921. Briefly, the general context of events is revealed, the main episodes and key personalities are listed. Using historical-genetic, comparative-historical and problem-chronological methods, the positions of Mongolia and Soviet Russia and their relationship on the status of Tuva, the organization and convocation of the All-Tuva Constituent Khural, which proclaimed the independence of Tuva, as well as the consequences of the declaration of independence of Tuva, were reconstructed. The role of the authorized representative of the Sibrevkom in Uryanhai I.G. Safyanov in this process is shown. In conclusion, the authors conclude that the emergence of a sovereign Tuva state was made possible both due to the contradictory political situation in Asia and due to the role of I.G. Safyanov in history. Since 1921, Tuva began to live and develop in the political and economic conditions created by the Constituent Khural.


Author(s):  
Okabe Yoshihiko

In the Manchurian diplomatic journal “The Political Situation in East Asia”, we find a fairly detailed analysis of the situation in China, the Soviet Union, and the European countries, as well as an overview and analysis of these countries’ ties with Nazi Germany. In the fifth volume of the publication, one of the sections was entitled “Review of Ukrainian National Movements”. From the aforementioned facts, it is clear that the section provided reliable information about Ukraine and its diaspora, as well as gave an objective assessment of the situation in which the Ukrainian community found itself in Manchuria. The author has analyzed this work. With the beginning of the Sino-Japanese war, there were changes not only in the political course of Japan, but also in the bureaucracy of Manchuria. Most Japanese officials had left Manchuria. In 1937, the publication of the Ukrainian newspaper “Manchurian Herald” was stopped. For a long time, the Japanese authorities had greatly supported the editorial board of the “Manchurian Herald”, but suddenly changed their protectorate to censorship, and eventually banned the publication of the Ukrainian newspaper. Against the background of the then turbulent political situation worldwide, the Ukrainian community had lost a rather important channel of information dissemination. Consequently, there were fewer mentions and testimonies of Ukrainian national movements in Manchuria. The author describes the life of the famous Ukrainian journalist, historian, and public and political figure in the Far East Ivan Svit. His relations and contacts with the Japanese colleagues Kitagawa Shikazo and Horie Kazumasa were analyzed. On the basis of the processed source materials and literature, the peculiarities of the Ukrainian national movement in Manchuria, its successes, achievements, main failures, and the reasons of the decline are comprehensively covered. The author explains the role of the exile government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Ukrainian-Japanese relations.


Wielogłos ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 69-86
Author(s):  
Adriana Kovacheva

Sincerity and Autothematism. The Case of Two Journalistic Texts by Wilhelm Mach In the present article I examine in detail two journalistic texts by the Polish writer Wilhelm Mach. The main concern of the analysis is Mach’s implicit anxiety to be sincere. I am arguing here that the requirement for sincerity is intricately connected with the political atmosphere of the Thaw period in Poland, which began after Stalin’s death. I put forward the thesis that Mach’s positive validation of sincerity influences his programmatic metafiction and constitutes a reaction to the political situation. At the same time, reading the writer’s proposals against the background of the then-popular Soviet philosopher Vladimir Pamerancev’s ideas, I demonstrate that Mach is not convinced by the model of subjectivity behind the idea of honesty promoted at the time. His awareness of the role of literary conventions leads him to ironic subversion of the idea of directness and sincerity in literature.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Chemakin

This article is devoted to the Ukrainian People’s Gromada (UPG), the organization of Little Russian landlords which played a prominent part in the political life of Ukraine and South Russia during the Civil War. Ukrainian historiography treats the UPG as an organisation of Ukrainian conservatives and assigns it the key role in the Hetman coup d’état of April 1918. There is also a widespread opinion that the Gromada was dissolved immediately after Hetman P. P. Skoropadsky took power. This work aims to reconsider traditional views on UPG and, with reference to new archival sources, prove the following: the role of the Gromada in the coup d’état was exaggerated considerably; the UPG continued to exist after Skoropadsky took power; and one can doubt the “Ukrainian” nature of the organisation, despite its name. Based on Skoropadsky’s memoirs and the accounts of other witnesses, as well as some German sources, the author proves that the Gromada was not the leading force in the coup d’état, but only the organisation which prepared lists of candidates to be included in the new government. The sources kept in the Central State Archives of the Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and the Hoover Institution Archives that are devoted to the activities of the UPG from the summer of 1918 to the spring of 1919 have not been made public previously. After the directorate seized power, the leaders of the Gromada fled from Kiev to Odessa. There they took part in local political intrigues and tried to distance themselves from Hetman Skoropadsky and the project of the Ukrainian state. The UPG leaders, who had previously viewed themselves as Ukrainian “samostiyniks”, now proclaimed that they were not Ukrainians, but Little Russians and “Russian statists”. An attempt is made to analyse the reasons why UPG members moved from the Russian political camp to the Ukrainian one and back several times in a comparatively short period. Based on research in the field of “nationalism studies”, the author concludes that the Gromada members had traditional, pre-modern views on the nation (in this case as a corporation of Little Russian nobility), which, together with their desire to adapt to the ever-changing political situation and fight for their privileges and economic interests, made it possible for them to keep joining Russian and Ukrainian nationalists interchangeably without perceiving their actions as national treason. The study of this topic makes it possible to address the Little Russian nobility’s behaviour in the Civil War and their attempts to integrate into Ukrainian or Russian national projects.


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