scholarly journals Patterns of Emotional Displays in Campaign Messages during the 2019 European Parliamentary Election in Lithuania

Intersections ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kiryl Kascian ◽  
Viktor Denisenko

The 2019 European Parliament (EP) election in Lithuania was a second-order event significantly affected by domestic political developments and agendas. As with all previous EP elections, it attracted a minimal level of public attention in Lithuania, creating challenges and opportunities for Lithuanian political groups to effectively reach their electorates. This article focuses on the emotional display patterns of the campaign messages of political parties during the 2019 European Parliamentary campaign in Lithuania. To this end, it applies Lasswell’s model of commu-nication to assess printed media- and social-network-based campaign materials. Findings confirm that emotional messages dominated the communication of the political groups to their voters, and show the extremely broad spectrum of political messages that were used to arouse emotions. The study indicates that the concept of Europe remains distant and abstract to voters in Lithuania. Politicians’ messages to voters overwhelmingly appealed to the European context when addressing domestic agendas, thereby exploiting the emotional aspects of domestic political discourses in Lithuania and the perception of the EU in the country. Finally, the study demonstrates that the personification of political strategies involving politicians’ charisma, public image, and expressivity were key elements in terms of the election outcome.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110491
Author(s):  
Abbas Keshavarz Shokri ◽  
Jabbar Shojaei

The collapse of the Mubarak regime on 25 January 2011 marked the beginning of profound discursive challenges in Egypt. Following the January Revolution, the political forces and discourses long suppressed by Mubarak finally felt free to participate in the political struggles of the time, and attempted to lead the charge in the rebuilding and reorganizing process of Egyptian society. To shed light on the origin and characteristics of these discourses, attempts have been made in this paper to explain through discourse analysis the four major political discourses in today’s Egypt: democratic Islamism, authoritarian Islamism, secular democracy, and secular authoritarianism, and also to identify the political groups representing each discourse, their target groups, the method of their argumentation, and finally their proposed political agenda. To explain these discourses, the a posteriori discourse method is used, i.e. identifying the history of the formation of components and features of discourses. To this end, the discourse analysis of theorists such as Foucault and Van Dyke has been used to examine political discourses in Egypt. The factors used to examine the discourses are: discourse producers, discourse audiences, discourse content, and discourse actions.


Author(s):  
Matthew J. Jones

This essay focuses on English-language popular songs about HIV/AIDS and offers a five-part typology based not on sonic markers of musical genre but instead on lyric content. Its central argument is that song lyrics carry important political messages and constitute a significant and under-studied contribution to the broader culture of arts-based HIV/AIDS activism. In AIDS-themed elegies, protest songs, pedagogical songs, confessional songs, and a small category of songs in bad taste, songwriters and performers translate the official scientific, medical, and political discourses of HIV/AIDS into vernacular speech idioms. In doing so, ideas and ideologies about HIV/AIDS transcend generic boundaries to effectively reach broad and diverse groups of listeners with varying beliefs, attitudes, and stakes in the fight against HIV/AIDS.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Minyoung Hong ◽  
In-Seon Lee ◽  
Yeonhee Ryu ◽  
Junsuk Kim ◽  
Younbyoung Chae

Cupping therapy has recently gained public attention and is widely used in many regions. Some patients are resistant to being treated with cupping therapy, as visually unpleasant marks on the skin may elicit negative reactions. This study aimed to identify the cognitive and emotional components of cupping therapy. Twenty-five healthy volunteers were presented with emotionally evocative visual stimuli representing fear, disgust, happiness, neutral emotion, and cupping, along with control images. Participants evaluated the valence and arousal level of each stimulus. Before the experiment, they completed the Fear of Pain Questionnaire-III. In two-dimensional affective space, emotional arousal increases as hedonic valence ratings become increasingly pleasant or unpleasant. Cupping therapy images were more unpleasant and more arousing than the control images. Cluster analysis showed that the response to cupping therapy images had emotional characteristics similar to those for fear images. Individuals with a greater fear of pain rated cupping therapy images as more unpleasant and more arousing. Psychophysical analysis showed that individuals experienced unpleasant and aroused emotional states in response to the cupping therapy images. Our findings suggest that cupping therapy might be associated with unpleasant-defensive motivation and motivational activation. Determining the emotional components of cupping therapy would help clinicians and researchers to understand the intrinsic effects of cupping therapy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Sudipta Paul ◽  
Silajit Guha

With the arrival of graphic revolution, it has become increasingly impossible to draw the lines between personal and political, private and market.  Television, social media and their imitative versions of newspapers have become dependent more on selling the images, literally and metaphorically to negate the pressure of public opinion in public sphere. Media as a social institution, serve the purpose of legitimizing the efforts of hegemony construction by different other social and religious institutions and in the process get involved in producing ‘metalanguage’. The efforts of media to turn everyone into celebrity enjoy the advantage of drawing public attention to farcical and construct an air of simplicity and ease. The emergence of celebrities with the help of pseudo-events in our social world has been able to foster a culture of consumption and leisure. Newspapers, supposedly a more sober and less instantaneous medium are also forced to follow the business rules set by the visual media. The intrinsic difference between a celebrity and a star happens to be one that a celebrity is in most cases incapable of becoming a star, which requires a certain amount of qualities. With the boundary between public and private closing down, the celebrities are in control of public imagination. Their existence in public life has been internalized giving birth to new kind of political discourses. The discursive elements of celebrity discourse are capable of giving birth to a new kind of ‘metalaguage’ also. The article looks into the construction of a celebrity in the pages of India’s most famous English newspapers and tries to analyze how these discursive elements are giving birth to new possibilities of a narcotizing dysfunction or collective amnesia. Keywords: Discourse position, discourse strand, celebritisation, para-social interaction, ideological square


2020 ◽  
pp. 269-289
Author(s):  
Anastasia Mikhaleva

This article discusses a phenomenon that is gaining popularity – a description of political events in the Russian Far East in the language of tribalism. The study is based on critical discourse analysis, which makes it possible to compare many texts mentioning tribalism in one form or another with the discursive and social practices in the region. The study offers a typology of tribalist political discourses, and also examines in detail one of the options common in national republics. The analysis shows that tribalism in the description of politics has little in common with real political groups; it is rather used as a tool to describe political events and explain them in a way convenient for the author. It is closely related to tradition and rooting (autochthonism). This allows us to discuss the identities of political actors and make judgments about the legitimacy of their actions.


1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürg Steiner

It is only in connection with electoral law that the terms ‘majority principle’ and ‘proportionality’ are widely used. It seems to us meaningful to apply the two concepts also to the political decision-making process as a whole. In this broadened sense ‘majority principle’ and ‘proportionality’ denote certain models of conflict regulation. The majority model then denotes the regulation of conflict through majority decisions. The proportional model is much more difficult to describe: its basic characteristic is that all groups influence a decision in proportion to their numerical strength. Proportional conflict regulation is easiest to apply when a decision is concerned with several units, all of which are perceived as equivalent to one another. The classical case of this is the parliamentary election, for the parliamentary seats are perceived as equivalent to one another, so that by means of an appropriate electoral law they can relatively easily be distributed on a proportional basis among the different political groups. In Switzerland the election of the government by the parliament gives rise to an analogous situation, in that the seven seats in the Bundesrat (Federal Council) are perceived as equivalent to one another, so that they can likewise be relatively easily distributed on a proportional basis. In most other political systems the application of the rules of proportionality at the level of the government would entail greater difficulties, since the individual governmental posts are perceived as being of different value. The greatest difficulty presents itself when only a single office is to be filled, for example that of President. Here the application of proportional rules is only possible if rotation of office (i.e. proportionality in the temporal dimension) is brought into the reckoning, or if the disadvantage imposed on one group can be compensated by preference given to it in another decision.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 24-32
Author(s):  
Alexander M. PRILUTSKII

Introduction. The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of two “monkey courts”: held in America in 1925 and in Russia, St. Petersburg in 2007. The author analyzes the data of the court in the context of the specifics of religious fundamentalism and its literal hermeneutics of Scripture. The article analyzes the methods of PR technologies used by the parties of both processes, advertising strategies aimed at attracting public attention in the participants of court hearings. The background of the trials and the decisions taken are described, which in both cases testified to the defeat of the radical creationists. Methods. The article implements the methodology of religious studies based on the methods of hermeneutic research and comparative historical analysis.Results. Studies have shown that both trials unite not only the carnival character, a certain provocative lack of seriousness, a priori present in both precedents, but also a close pragmatic focus: the participants tried to use the judicial incident for advertising purposes, as an informational occasion, to draw attention not so much to socially important issues, which in the course of the courts more and more receded into the background, but to specific actors of this public script, which is pronounced modernist in nature. Conclusions. Both processes caused some damage to the public image of religious circles that were associated in public consciousness with the plaintiffs - however, in this respect, the negative effect of the Dayton process turned out to be more significant. The phenomenon of “monkey processes” argues in favor of the assumption of the am


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aminah Aminah

Media in Political Communication ahead of the election widely used by the partner Regent and deputy Regent candidates to influence and seek sympathizers from the community, as happened in Aceh Barat District. Of the three candidates, namely pair H. T. Alaidin Syah and H. Kamaruddin, the couple H. Ramli MS and H. Banta Puteh Syam and the couple Fuad Hadi, SH., MH and drh. Muhammad Arif. This study describes the role of the media are executed by each pair of candidates Regent and deputy Regent of Aceh Barat ahead of the election simultaneously throughout Indonesia. This paper is based on a review of literature as well as by looking at the phenomenon of campaign located along Aceh Barat district. Based on the writer's observation, that each pair has the creativity respectively in the campaign (conveying political messages). Couple H. T. Alaidin Syah and H. Kamaruddin choose a political message by using the phrase "KAMO HANA JANJI ALHAMDULILLAH LE BUKTI YANG NYATA" and "Lanjutkan!". While the pair H. Ramli MS and H. Banta Puteh Syam chose the phrase "KATROEH WATEE Tabalah JASA RAKYAT. Different from other couples Fuad Hadi, SH., MH and drh. Muhammad Arif also choose the appropriate sentence to attract public attention Aceh Barat district by using the phrase "BONGKAR KEBIASAAN LAMA, YANG “TUA” SUDAH PERNAH SAATNYA YANG “MUDA” MEMBENAH. And "SOLUSI NYATA UNTUK ACEH BARAT ". Each pair of candidates make the process of media planning and advertising strategies by paying attention to advertising, advertising budgets, strategies and the role of media messages which take into account the selection of the target audience, purpose specification, selection of media and facilities and purchase of media. Keywords: Role of Media, Political Communication and Election


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-597
Author(s):  
Lyndon C. S. Way

Abstract Relations between political parties and music are fraught with issues over effectiveness, limitations and opportunities. On the one hand, political parties and movements use the appeal of popular music to attract audiences who otherwise may not be attentive to their views. On the other hand, mixing the two has seen music and politics “reduced to their lowest common denominator” (Street 1988, 50). Here, I examine how political parties employ popular music to articulate party specific discourses. Leaning on Multimodal Critical Discourse Studies and musicology, I analyse the lyrics, visuals and musical sounds of musical advertisements prepared for two Turkish political events: A parliamentary election campaign and a presidential referendum campaign. Through a detailed analysis I reveal the discourses articulated, how these are articulated and the strengths and shortcomings of musical advertisements as a means of communicating party political discourses.


Author(s):  
Andrew Dean

This chapter examines how New Zealand author Janet Frame responded to both the demands of a national literature and biographical enquiry into her life. Frame in her early work courts the idea that madness provides special insight, an understanding that was read biographically by the masculine cultural nationalist coterie surrounding her at this time. However, in her later work she seeks to replace this public image with her own vision of authorship. Between two pairs of novels from the 1960s and 1970s, as well as her 1980s autobiographies, this chapter shows a dimension of metafiction that is less discussed, in which the form is used by an author to attempt to control her reception and to prescribe certain approaches. In particular, Frame would become preoccupied with an understanding of public attention as a form of contamination, and would in turn seek a purity of literary vision. The chapter closes by showing how representations of Frame’s life by biographers and film-makers, even after her death, have continued to participate in battles over the public reception of the author within New Zealand literary culture.


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