scholarly journals FEMICIDE AND GENDER VIOLENCE IN MEXICO: ELEMENTS FOR A SYSTEMIC APPROACH

2019 ◽  
pp. 158-183
Author(s):  
GEOFREDO ANGULO LOPEZ

This article aims to address gender violence and femicide through the analysis of several aspects related with its reality and current problematic or conundrum, the new standards to widen gender perspective in the ministerial practices and judicial reasoning, as well as the controversies and tensions generated by the social risk related to impunity and the current control policies and exception categories created to fight femicides and violence against women with the principles and fundaments wherewith the criminal justice system and human rights operate in Mexico.

Author(s):  
Caroline Bettinger-López

International human rights treaties and monitoring bodies have repeatedly called upon governments to develop national plans of action to eliminate violence against women. Although the U.S. is a global leader in the violence against women arena, it has never developed a national plan of action. The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), despite its substantial contributions, does not contain some of the core features of a national action plan—such as a strategic vision for ending violence against women, or a declaration that violence against women is a human rights violation and a form of sex discrimination, or a set of goals or benchmarks to measure progress. This chapter examines the key elements of national action plans on violence against women, and ultimately argues that in the Trump era, a national action plan can best be developed through coordinated action at the state and local levels.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 90-101
Author(s):  
Camilla Magalhães Gomes

The purpose of this article is to investigate how decolonial studies can contribute to an agenda of southern criminology and in particular, but not exclusively, to our research on gender and gender violence. To do so, the path chosen was to first present the common lines between these ways of theorising. Then, the entanglements of race and capitalism and of race and gender in the decolonial perspective are presented. With this done, it is possible to think about how decoloniality and punishment are related and to, from then on, think of a decolonial agenda for criminology that involves taking the colonial hypothesis seriously and always thinking and seeking to listen, read and research the ways of resistance from those dehumanised by the criminal justice system.


Author(s):  
Alison Brysk

This chapter outlines the global problem, prevalence, causes, and consequences of violence against women. Women worldwide face special risks from the beginning to the end of the life-cycle: from female feticide to female genital mutilation/circumcision in infancy, from child abuse to honor violence and forced marriage at puberty, from sexual assault to femicide in adolescence and youth, forced labor and battering in adulthood, and targeted killing of witches and widows in old age. Violence against women is the most pervasive unfinished business of the international human rights regime, and a threat to global security, development, and public health. We will see that gender violence arises as a violation of human rights with special logics, and a growing contradiction of development and globalization. The cross-national risk factors for physical insecurity of women worldwide include conflicted development, shortfalls in democracy, social inequality, uneven urbanization, and gender role disparity. These factors play out in specific “gender regime” configurations of governance, political economy, and gender roles that fall into patrimonial, semi-liberal, and liberal patterns that suggest distinct strategies of intervention.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alpa Parmar

Intersectionality is the study of overlapping social identities and related systems of oppression, discrimination and domination. From an intersectional perspective, aspects of a person’s identity, for example race, class and gender are understood to be enmeshed. To understand how systemic injustice operates and is produced, a multi-dimensional framework which captures how forms of oppression intersect and are shaped by one another, is necessary. Although the merits of an intersectional approach in criminology have been widely shown and discussed in US scholarship, within British criminology, there have been few analyses that have implemented an intersectional lens – either explicitly or implicitly. Correspondingly, close examination of the social construction of race within the criminal justice system has been largely absent in British criminology. In the following paper, I suggest that these two developments are co-constitutive – that British criminology’s unwillingness to engage with race has resulted in the reticence towards an intersectional approach and vice versa. This is both problematic and a missed opportunity. At a time when much criminological research convenes around the intersection of race, class, religion and gender, the absence of intersectional approaches and the lack of discussion about the racializing consequences of the criminal justice system serve to stymie meaningful debate and advancement of the field.


2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (13) ◽  
pp. 1767-1797
Author(s):  
Martin Bouchard ◽  
Carlo Morselli ◽  
Mitch Macdonald ◽  
Owen Gallupe ◽  
Sheldon Zhang ◽  
...  

The size of criminal populations is unknown, and policy decisions are typically based only on the number of offenses and offenders that come to the attention of the criminal justice system. However, the size of criminal populations may follow different trends than what is observed in official data. We use a regression-adjusted capture–recapture model to estimate the number of people at risk of arrest for offenses involving amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) from arrests and rearrests occurring in Quebec, Canada, controlling for year of first arrest, age, and gender. The 4,989 individuals arrested were the visible part of an estimated 42,541 [36,936, 48,145] individuals otherwise at risk of arrest (12%). Additional results show that trends in criminal populations and risks of arrest vary across offense type and drug classifications.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 319-334
Author(s):  
Mauro Machado do Prado ◽  
Ana Paula de Castro Neves ◽  
Nathália Machado Cardoso Dardeau de Albuquerque

O presente trabalho consiste em um estudo qualitativo das representações sociais de imigrantes venezuelanas na América do Sul no período de 2016 a 2019, a partir de manchetes de notícias divulgadas em jornais digitais brasileiros. O objetivo é verificar a ocorrência ou não de veiculações que constituam de forma explícita ou implícita uma violação à dignidade e aos direitos dessas mulheres, ao fomentar ou incitar a xenofobia e a violência de gênero na sociedade através de palavras, frases ou expressões capazes de provocar um aniquilamento simbólico. Para tanto, realizou-se um estudo bibliográfico e documental acerca das vulnerabilidades sociais presentes nos processos imigratórios contemporâneos, que foi consubstanciado com a análise de conteúdo (BARDIN, 2009), em abordagem qualitativa, de manchetes publicadas em jornais digitais brasileiros. A partir da análise realizada, foi possível inferir que estes veículos de comunicação vêm frequentemente descrevendo a migração venezuelana como um problema, mas em conotação negativa, sem o cuidado de descrição do contexto de forma mais clara e abrangente da questão a ser noticiada.   Xenofobia y violencia de género: un análisis de los titulares de las mujeres venezolanas en el periodismo web brasileño El presente trabajo consiste en un estudio cualitativo de las representaciones sociales de los inmigrantes venezolanos en América del Sur en el período de 2016 a 2019, a partir de titulares de noticias publicados en periódicos digitales brasileños. El objetivo es verificar la ocurrencia o no de colocaciones que constituyan explícita o implícitamente una violación a la dignidad y derechos de estas mujeres, al promover o incitar la xenofobia y la violencia de género en la sociedad a través de palabras, frases o expresiones capaces de provocar una aniquilación simbólica. Para ello, se realizó un estudio bibliográfico y documental sobre las vulnerabilidades sociales presentes en los procesos migratorios contemporáneos, el cual fue fundamentado con análisis de contenido (BARDIN, 2009), en un enfoque cualitativo, de titulares publicados en diarios digitales brasileños. Del análisis realizado, se pudo inferir que estos medios de comunicación han venido describiendo muchas veces la migración venezolana como un problema, pero en una connotación negativa, sin preocuparse por describir de manera más clara y completa el contexto del tema a reportar. Palabras clave: Derechos humanos de la mujer. La violencia de género. Xenofobia. Periodismo web.   Xenophobia and gender violence: an analysis of headings broadcasted in brazilian webjornalism on venezuelan women The present work consists of a qualitative study of the social representations of Venezuelan immigrants in South America in the period from 2016 to 2019, based on news headlines published in Brazilian digital newspapers. The objective is to verify the occurrence or not of placements that explicitly or implicitly constitute a violation of the dignity and rights of these women, by promoting or inciting xenophobia and gender violence in society through words, phrases or expressions capable of provoking a symbolic annihilation. To this end, a bibliographic and documentary study was carried out on the social vulnerabilities present in contemporary immigration processes, which was substantiated with content analysis (BARDIN, 2009), in a qualitative approach, of headlines published in Brazilian digital newspapers. From the analysis carried out, it was possible to infer that these media outlets have often been describing Venezuelan migration as a problem, but in a negative connotation, without taking care to describe the context more clearly and comprehensively of the issue to be reported. Keywords: Women’s human rights. Gender-based violence. Xenophobia. Webjournalism.


Author(s):  
Iryna Klymchuk ◽  
◽  
Olena Shtraikher ◽  

The study examines the peculiarities of the implementation of gender policy in the field of security and defense by the example of the UN and NATO. To achieve this goal, we considered the legal regulation of gender equality in the field of security and defense of the UN and NATO; analyzed the work of institutional mechanisms for the implementation of gender policy in the field of security and defense by the example of the UN and NATO; characterized the peculiarities of cooperation between Ukraine, the UN and NATO in ensuring gender equality in the field of security and defense. The legal regulation of gender equality at the UN and NATO levels was considered, in particular a number of resolutions (UN Security Council Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security No. 1325, No. 1820, No. 1888, No. 1889, No. 1960, No. 2106, No. 2122, No. 2422, No. 2467, No. 2493), which recognizes the importance of involving women and gender mainstreaming in peace negotiations, humanitarian planning, peacekeeping, post-conflict peacebuilding, governance, and equal participation of women at all levels of conflict prevention or protection from sexual violence. Also the authors analyzed the work of institutional mechanisms responsible for the implementation of gender policy of the UN and NATO, in particular, their expertise and scope of activities. It was clarified that the following persons responsible for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions in NATO: Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Women, Peace and Security; NATO Gender Office; Gender Adviser at the International Military Staff; a number of advisory committees and working groups led by NATO Strategic Command; Civil Society Advisory Council on Women, Peace and Security. At the same time, the UN has seven expert institutions and regional independent human rights experts to combat discrimination and gender-based violence against women and girls: UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women; UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women; UN Working Group on Discrimination against Women and Girls; Committee of Experts on the Follow-up Mechanism to the Belem-Par Convention; Expert Group on Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence; Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Africa of the African Commission on Human Rights; Human Rights Rapporteur. In addition, a number of sub-organizations and programs have been established at the UN level to achieve gender equality in all spheres of life, such as the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the HeForShe IMPACT 10x10x10 movement and the UN-Women. Aspects of Ukraine's cooperation with the UN and NATO in ensuring gender equality in the field of security and defense are highlighted separately. The importance and effectiveness of cooperation between Ukraine and the Alliance during the war in Eastern Ukraine have been established. The support by the UN of Ukraine in fulfilling the obligations within the international regulatory framework on the introduction of gender equality and women’s rights was also analyzed.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-40
Author(s):  
Ogechi Anyanwu

The reemergence of the Shari`ah in northern Nigeria in 2000 is reshaping the Muslims’ criminal justice system in unintended ways. This article accounts for and provides fresh insights on how the fate of Muslim women under the Shari`ah intertwines with the uncertain future of the law in Nigeria. Using Emile Durkheim’s theory of conscience collective as an explanatory framework of analysis, I argue that the well-placed objective of using the Shari` ah to reaffirm or create social solidarity among Muslim Nigerians has been undermined by the unequal, harsher punishments and suppression of human rights perpetrated against Muslim women since 2000. A I show, not only does such discrimination violate the principle of natural justice upheld by Islam, but it also threatens to shrink, if not wipe out, the collective conscience of Nigerian Muslims that the law originally sought to advance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-236
Author(s):  
Dipa Dube ◽  
Ankita Chakraborty

AbstractIn the recent past, the #MeToo movement has shaken India. A docket of high-flying names, from politicians to celebrities and journalists, have come under scrutiny for alleged sexual abuse of women. Flagged by a Bollywood actress, the #MeToo campaign in India ignited feminists, academicians, and policymakers to re-examine women’s continued abuse in all sections of society. Despite a stringent legal regime enforced after the Nirbhaya tragedy, the abuse of women continues unabated. Feminists opine that violence against women remains an ongoing concern that is heightened in the face of a waning criminal justice system that fails to address their plight. Lack of confidence in the system discourages women from approaching the authorities, something palpable in #MeToo allegations, where women preferred to remain silent in the face of inevitable backlash from society, lack of support and cooperation from police and prosecution and finally, courts, where the victim is positioned as the accused to respond to questions of how and why? This article examines the #MeToo movement against the rising crime graph’s backdrop and the criminal justice system’s consequent failure to respond to the same.


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