scholarly journals Voting and Values: Grassroots Elections in Rural and Urban China

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-102
Author(s):  
John James Kennedy ◽  
Haruka Nagao ◽  
Hongyan Liu

Authoritarian leaders often claim that they promote democratic institutions such as elections and democratic values. In China, the central propaganda often promotes the right and duty of citizens to vote in local elections as well as the importance of citizens’ input into the policy making process. However, there is often a gap between government rhetoric and reality. In this article, we use the China General Social Survey (CGSS) 2013 to evaluate the determinants of voting in local elections and democratic values (attitudes) in rural and urban China. The results show that respondents with higher education tend to have lower levels of democratic values and participate less in local elections, but respondents with only compulsory education are more likely to display democratic orientations and vote. This suggests the relative success as well as the limits of authoritarian democratic propaganda.

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
GEDE KAMAJAYA

BSTRACTThe 2019 election is the first simultaneous election in Indonesia. In addition to electing the presidentand vice president, the 2019 election also elects members of the DPR RI, DPD, Provincial DPR, andCity Regency DPRD. The 2019 simultaneous elections were implemented after previously there was alawsuit against Law No. 42 of 2008. One of the most important things in a democratic climate is publicparticipation in the policy-making process and political process. One form of public participation inthe policy-making process and political process is the involvement of citizens in the election process.This study aims to determine the extent of the participation of the Buleleng people in the 2019simultaneous elections. To obtain the results to be achieved as mentioned above, this study uses aqualitative method by collecting data from interviews to document studies. The results of this studyindicate that the number of users of the right to vote in Buleleng Regency is 439,787 people. Inpercentage terms, public participation in simultaneous elections in Buleleng Regency is 73.91%. In the2019 simultaneous elections, there were 596,589 voters in Buleleng. Meanwhile, the number of votingrights users reached 439,787 people who were divided into 2,146 polling stations. The highparticipation rate is due to the success of KPU socialization, massive information in the media. Of allthe regencies in Bali, Buleleng was recorded as one of the districts with a fairly high invalid vote rateof 37,449 while the number of valid votes was 401,818. The high number of invalid votes is due totechnical difficulties, especially for the elderly. In Buleleng Regency itself, the elderly voter rate is thehighest compared to other districts and cities with a total of 92,101 with the number of male voters is42,170 and the number of female voters is 49,931. Keywords: Buleleng Regency, Public Participation, Election, Political Communication


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 267-281
Author(s):  
Ka Yi Fung

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to ask whether or not social networks can compensate for the disadvantages of being part of an unprivileged group in the job attainment process in urban China, using the 2008 China General Social Survey. Design/methodology/approach The author compares the network effects on monthly income of local urban residents and rural migrants. Findings First, the results show that social capital exerts no significant effect on monthly income for local residents and rural migrants. Second, having network members who work in state-owned and non-state-owned enterprises helps female rural migrants to obtain higher monthly incomes, compared to those whose network members work only in either state-owned enterprises or non-state-owned enterprises. The same is not true of male rural migrants or local residents. Originality/value It can be concluded that a more diversified network may compensate for female rural migrants’ disadvantages, caused by being part of an unprivileged group, in their occupational attainment process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Felicia F. Tian

AbstractGuanxi is a fundamental, but controversial, feature of Chinese society. This article examines public attitudes about the fairness of guanxi and how Chinese market reform is affecting these attitudes. The reciprocity-laden and tie-sensitive nature of guanxi conflicts with the efficiency-oriented goal of a market economy. Disapproval of guanxi is thus increasing as marketization progresses. Results from the 2008 Chinese General Social Survey show that guanxi is more likely to be viewed as unfair in places with higher levels of marketization. The educational gradient decreases with marketization, and change is more pronounced among people working in the market sector than it is among people working in the state sector. My findings suggest that Chinese market reform increases public disapproval of guanxi.


2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeralynn Cossman ◽  
Gary A. Lewers ◽  
Janet K. Wilson ◽  
Elaine Fox ◽  
Jeffrey J. Kamakahi

While most Right to Die studies have examined the ethical and moral implications of assisted suicide, few have investigated the active membership of Right to Die organizations. Two studies, one in 1983 and one in 1995, have surveyed The Hemlock Society USA membership in an effort to identify those who are actively involved in the Right to Die social movement. This study compares the social demographic descriptors of members of the Hemlock Society at these two different points in time: from the 1983 survey to the California portion of the 1995 survey and between all three Hemlock samples and the General Social Survey. The most significant findings of this study demonstrate that the population of the Hemlock Society is increasing in religiosity and continues to be defined as a well-educated and healthy membership. The Hemlock Society membership over-represents the female population, those over 55 years of age, divorcees and widows/widowers, atheists, and those who are well-educated compared to the general population. Additionally, Hemlock Society members appear to be healthy adults who are still living on their own as opposed to depending on their families for assistance. In other words, the Hemlock Society members constitute a unique and dynamic group of individuals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-213
Author(s):  
Yoonkyung Lee ◽  
Jong-sung You

AbstractThe absence of class voting or the existence of “reverse” class voting under rising inequality remains a puzzling question in South Korea. While poor voters seem to support conservative candidates more than the rich do, this is due to a confounding effect of age, because poverty is concentrated among the elderly in Korea. Using the Korean General Social Survey data (KGSS 2004–2014) covering two presidential elections, two general legislative elections, and two nationwide local elections, we find that Koreans, in particular the poor electorate, engage in class voting in both objective and subjective terms. While regional and generational cleavages continue to be the most important determinants of partisan competition, class by income levels as well as subjective identity significantly impact vote choice when age is adequately controlled for.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 424-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Buck-McFadyen ◽  
Noori Akhtar-Danesh ◽  
Sandy Isaacs ◽  
Beverly Leipert ◽  
Patricia Strachan ◽  
...  

2022 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 721
Author(s):  
Youzhi Xiao ◽  
Xuemin Liu ◽  
Ting Ren

An imbalanced distribution of income and welfare characterizes a developing or transitional economy such as China’s. Even after forty years of reform and rapid economic growth, there is still considerable disparity in wellbeing across different institutional settings in China. Major inequalities exist between rural and urban areas, public and for profit sectors, and state-owned and private enterprises. This paper presents the descriptive differences in individual wellbeing across these kinds of institutional settings from objective and subjective perspectives, enabled by the five waves of the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS; the years of 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013 and 2015). The results show that: (1) people in urban China enjoy more objective wellbeing than people in rural China, but less subjective wellbeing; (2) people who work for the public sector enjoy more objective and subjective wellbeing than those for the for profit sector; (3) people who work for the state owned enterprises enjoy more objective wellbeing than those for the for profit sector, but subjective happiness is not significantly different. Furthermore, people’s perception of subjective wellbeing not only relies upon substantive objective wellbeing, but also an affiliation with a certain type of institution.


2012 ◽  
pp. 83-88
Author(s):  
A. Zolotov ◽  
M. Mukhanov

А new approach to policy-making in the field of economic reforms in modernizing countries (on the sample of SME promotion) is the subject of this article. Based on summarizing the ten-year experience of de-bureaucratization policy implementation to reduce the administrative pressure on SME, the conclusion of its insufficient efficiency and sustainability is made. The alternative possibility is the positive reintegration approach, which provides multiparty policy-making process, special compensation mechanisms for the losing sides, monitoring and enforcement operations. In conclusion matching between positive reintegration principles and socio-cultural factors inherent in modernization process is provided.


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