scholarly journals Policy of the Russian Empire Towards the Native Peoples’ Languages in Central and Northern Europe (19 – Early 20th Centuries)

2017 ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
Olga Kazakevych

The article delivers the linguistic policy of the Russian empire towards the native peoples of Central and Northern Europe during the 19th – early 20th cc. It surveys the Russian policy towards the Polish, Lithuanian, Belorussian, Ukrainian, Romanian, Latvian, Estonian and Finnish languages in the broad historical context. The author compares the Russian imperial linguistic policy with those pursued by other states of the period, including the United Kingdom, France and Habsburg monarchy. It is stated that the main specific feature of the Russian linguistic policy was its selectivity. For example, while the Ukrainian and, to some extent, Romanian languages were subjected to severe restrictions, the Finnish enjoyed relative freedom. Depending on political situation, activity of local national movements, potential for ethnic conflicts etc., the imperial policy of russification could be either slowed down or intensified in some regions. However, its main goal – the expansion of the Russian language as a component of the dominant ideological doctrine “Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Nationality” remained unchangeable. To achieve this goal, the imperial authorities took different measures to reduce the social prestige of the native population’s languages, drove them out from the administrative and educational spheres, marginalized publishing activities etc. Thus, this restrictive policy achieved effect only in the short-term perspective.

2018 ◽  
pp. 16-35
Author(s):  
N. V. Venger

The author presents an emotional analysis of the colonization situation of the first half of the XIXth century and shows the connection between interethnic contacts of the colonization period with the development of so-called “German question” in the Russian Empire. Special attention is paid to the processes of interaction between Slavic (the Ukrainean, Russian) and German-speaking (the Mennonites, the colonist) colonization groups. Under conditions of colonization, inter-ethnic autostereotypes were formed. These ideas about the “others” were kept and saved in the field of collective unconscious and social memory, but under conditions of a conformist (strictly regulated) society, the autostereotypes were neutral and and did not show aggression. . The mobilization of the Russian nation was carried out according to the antagonistic scenario, which caused the formation of the “German question” as one of the theoretical nationalist concepts in the Empire. The ideologists of nationalism used autostereotypes to form anti-German sentiments. The resentment of masses was formed on the basis of negative experience of contacts. The resentment is a a sense of hostility, when the logic recedes, and the chaos of emotions prevails. It was used by supporters of nationalism to rally society around the titular ethnic group, to form emotional communities and to solve problems of eliminating competition with the most stable and successful ethnic groups, including Russian Germans. In the subsequent period, resentment was a psychological motivator of the lower classes group aggressive behavior in the inter-ethnic conflicts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 289
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Smyk

<p>The beginning of the era after the January Uprising brought a fundamental change in the organisation and functioning of the apparatus of civil administration in the Kingdom of Poland. In the intention of the tsarist authorities, it was supposed to be similar to the Russian model of territorial administration. All the central authorities of the Kingdom were subject to liquidation and the various areas of administrative management were subordinated to the competent ministries in St. Petersburg. The field administration has been reorganised according to Russian models. At the same time, the Russian language and officials brought from Russia were introduced to the offices. According to the tsarist authorities, only officials of Russian origin, loyal to the State, were able to effectively implement a new form of administrative system in the Kingdom and give the offices a style of functioning adopted in the administration of the Russian Empire. It was also expected that the massive influx of Russian officials with families would strengthen the number of the Russian element in the Kingdom and significantly contribute to making the country similar to the Empire’s core provinces. From the Polish perspective, the Russian system of civil administration introduced in the Kingdom of Poland after the January Uprising was clearly judged by Polish society at the time to be alien to Polish tradition, imposed by force and contrary to the Polish national interest.</p>


Author(s):  
Kseniia Donik

We highlight unknown circumstances of the title and surname transfer of Counts Perovsky to M.M. Petrovo-Solovovo – a statesman, a representative of an ancient aristocratic family who owned an estate in the Kirsanovsky County of the Tambov Governorate on the basis of new archive sources that were not previously introduced into scientific circulation. In various local history interpretations, modern periodicals that somehow transmit a historical narrative about the last owner of the Karay-Saltykovsky estate, there is a wide variety of versions of how M.M. Petrovo-Solovovo became Count Perovsky (mainly the title inheritance from mother is men-tioned). The purpose of this study is a detailed reconstruction of the titled surname Perovsky transfer in accordance with the legislation of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century. Methodologically the study is based on historiographic criticism of documents and analysis of legislation on noble surnames based on the data of genealogical studies of different years. We pay special attention to the historical context of the analyzed events. We prove that the transfer initiative came from M.M. Petrovo-Solovovo’s aunt – maid of honor of the Empress, Countess V.B. Perovskaya, who, having previously secured the permission of the emperor, was able to begin the formal transfer process, although under the law as a female person she did not have such rights. We introduce new information both in Russian genealogical historiography as a whole, and in the history of the Petrovo-Solovovo clan and Tambov’s local history in particular.


2020 ◽  
pp. 602-614
Author(s):  
Rafael A. Arslanov ◽  
◽  
Elena V. Linkova ◽  

The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.


Author(s):  
S. Orlyk ◽  
G. Palchevich ◽  
M. Orlyk

Abstract. The problem of attracting financial resources for the growth of small and medium-sized businesses was and remains relevant at all stages of the market economy development, which actualizes market research in the historical context. The article provides a historical retrospective to the problem of the mutual credit societies (MCS) creation and activity in 9 Ukrainian governorates, that were part of the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries. The present paper makes attempt to examine the mechanisms and structure of lending, which was carried out by MCS in general. The objective is to establish the state of MCS’ development in the Ukrainian governorates. The paper also identifies the role of MCS in the lending system that had developed in the second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries in the Russian Empire. It was used several scientific methods which includes an interdisciplinary approach and are characteristic of research in the economic history field. Various historical sources like published statistical data and archival documents and materials were used. The study has found that the establishment and activity of MCS were focused on providing short-term loans to small and medium-sized businesses, that has been operating in governmental and provincial uyezd towns and cities where the banking system was poorly developed. It was carried out the analysis of development dynamic of quantitative and qualitative indicators of MCS activity. It was determined that the MCS share in the credit system of the Russian Empire constituted 5% in 1914. The study has found that rate of the MCS creating practice was influenced by many factors, which were mainly associated with unsuccessful financial reforms, belated legal regulation and weak episodic state support. The change in the structure of the credit-deposit and other operations provided by MCS has been processed. The range of banking services provided by MCS to their members and other clients was investigated. It has been proved the value of the historical experience of MCS crediting and the possibilities of its use to provide financial support for the development of domestic business are outlined. Keywords: Russian Empire, credit, crediting, loan, bank, mutual credit societies (MCS), banking system. JEL Classification B17, N24 Formulas: 0; fig.: 8; tabl.: 1; bibl.: 35.


Author(s):  
Т. Rocchi

The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.


Slavic Review ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore R. Weeks

Like other multinational states in Europe, from the middle of the nineteenth century the Russian Empire found itself confronted, indeed threatened, by the growing strength of non-Russian national movements. Unlike other contemporary national “awakenings,” however, the Polish question in the Russian Empire had roots extending beyond the eighteenth century and posed, at least in the minds of Russian administrators, a serious and persistent threat to Russian national interests in the empire’s vulnerable western borderlands. From the 1830s an anti-Polish policy had been pursued in these areas, but only after the 1863 uprising did the Russian imperial state dedicate itself to a policy of radical elimination of Polish influence in the so-called “western provinces,” a fusion (sliianie) of these territories with the Russian interior in terms of administration, economy, culture and nationality.


Author(s):  
Hannah Holtschneider

This chapter introduces Rabbi Dr Salis Daiches and maps his migration from the Lithuanian part of the Russian Empire to East Prussia, Berlin and then Britain, arriving in Edinburgh in early 1919. His educational, linguistic and cultural voyage across Europe presents the context in which to analyse his religious ideology and outlook on life in a secular society. Daiches presented both an opportunity and a challenge for the Chief Rabbis under whose authority he served in various congregations across the United Kingdom. Daiches possessed the learning of an Eastern European rabbi and the eloquence of an English clergyman, and used these advantages at once to forge a bridge between residents and immigrants and to challenge the hegemony of the Chief Rabbi which he saw as ineffective outwith London’s United Synagogue. Thus, Daiches emerges as a case study that illustrates well the key issues in the debates about the bundling of religious authority in the Chief Rabbi and his court, the frustrations of immigrant rabbis whose religious training far surpassed that of the English Jewish ministers who excelled in preaching, and knowledge of civil law, but were embarrassed by their lack of halakhic competence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-159
Author(s):  
Sara Pankenier Weld

An ‘enlightened despot’ who ruled the Russian empire as an absolute autocrat despite a tenuous claim to the throne, Catherine the Great embodied innumerable paradoxes during her long reign. This article examines the little-known fairy tales Catherine wrote for her grandsons to reveal the possible and impossible child she posits, envisions and instantiates through her writings for a young audience. Placing these works in a broader intellectual and historical context illuminates the paradoxes of the impossible infans she cultivates as part of an Enlightenment project and reveals how Catherine's writings for children (re)enact a kind of repossession of the child. Catherine's treatment of childhood within and without her texts reflects her ideological aims as a writer, ruler and matriarch. In addressing and attempting to instantiate an impossible child, whether an enlightened subject of her empire or an ideal absolute monarch of the future, Catherine reveals paradoxes that contrast with the reality of vulnerable young individuals in the historical record. These real children from the annals of Russian history offer an illuminating contrast for the impossibly idealised child protagonists constructed by Catherine's writings for children and shed light on the ideological context in which her treatment of childhood is embedded.


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