REPRESENTATION OF THE EU-RUSSIAN ENERGY RELATIONS: COVERAGE OF THE NORD-STREAM PIPELINE'S CONSTRUCTION IN GERMAN QUALITY MEDIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2/1) ◽  
pp. 70-75
Author(s):  
Victor V. BARABASH ◽  
Galina S. DUDINA
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  

The modern world depends on energy, the consumption of which is increasing, while the use of resources is becoming more and more intensive. It should be noted that imperialist Russia makes excellent use of this opportunity, which is reflected in the expansion and strengthening of its sphere of political influence. As we know, all states hold energy policies based on national-strategic values and define national aspirations and priorities. Russia has a big amount of energy resources, which it uses quite purposefully. The main tool of the Kremlin’s expansionist policy is energy policy, which opposes European integration and increases its own role in the international arena. Despite the fundamental radical differences between the democratic West and undemocratic Russia, they still manage to find common preventive-cooperative relations in terms of energy policy. A clear example of this is the energy relations between Russia and Germany, which are complex and perennial. The Nord Stream 2 is a project of global importance that explicitly increases the EU’s energy dependence on Russia, which may not prove as beneficial to the Brussels side as it may do to the Moscow side. Both Putin and his governance system are using their country’s resources and geopolitics “dishonestly” to exercise considerable influence on political space around them, serving the national interests of Russia. Therefore, in the eyes of the developed West, Russia is perceived as an aggressor and an undemocratic country, which creates a negative political landscape for both the European Union and the international political arena. That is why such maneuvering of Russia is not positively understood by any of the powerful states of the world, as this very project is found to be an integral part of world politics. The United States also supports this view. The Nord Stream 2, followed by Brexit, is the first international project and it is literally a dynamic action on how the energy relations between the EU and Russia can be continued. At the current stage, Germany’s political actions are more profitable and productive for Russia than for the EU, since this case carries the potential for the energy sector of the two parties to become more integrated.


European View ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-244
Author(s):  
Eloïse Ryon

Since Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been a radical transformation of the meaning, use and role of the concept of strategic autonomy within the European project. Whereas its application was originally restricted to defence matters, it is now explicitly mentioned in other sectors, including pharmaceuticals. The COVID-19 pandemic and its political, social and economic consequences have considerably boosted the trend to broaden the concept’s sphere of application. Strategic autonomy has found new life as a key political concept that will help shape the future of the EU. But does the concept really apply to all sectors? To what extent is European strategic autonomy behind the development of the Energy Union? The article attempts to provide an answer to these questions through an analysis of the theoretical and practical development of the concept, focusing particularly on the debate around Nord Stream 2.


Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (22) ◽  
pp. 5969
Author(s):  
Kateryna Yakovenko ◽  
Matúš Mišík

The COVID-19 pandemic appeared in the midst of developing the European Green Deal, the most ambitious project to decarbonise the EU’s economy to date. Among other issues, the project highlighted the challenges connected to the long-term role of natural gas as a fossil fuel in the European economy. Moreover, the changes to the gas architecture caused by the development of new import infrastructure (especially Nord Stream and its extension, which is currently under construction) put additional pressure on the transit countries, mainly of which are linked to the Brotherhood pipeline. These have been strong supporters of natural gas utilisation and harsh critics of new pipelines that circumvent their territories, as they consider energy transit to be an important part of their energy sectors. This research examines the political discourse on gas transit in Slovakia and Ukraine in order to identify the main arguments connected to these positions. The paper examines a total of 233 textual units from both countries for the period 2014–2018. It concludes that, while Ukraine sees transit predominantly through the lens of cooperation with the EU and other actors, the Slovak political discourse considers gas transit in terms of energy security and the availability of gas for the national economy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-123
Author(s):  
Tatiana Romanova ◽  

In this article, the influence of the European Union’s (EU) Green Deal on its energy relations with Russia is analyzed. Two models of resilience are identified in the EU’s discourse. One aims at achieving resilience at the level of the EU’s energy sector (the “microsystem” for the purpose of this study) while destroying the system of EU-Russia relations (the “macrosystem”). The other aims at achieving resilience in the micro- and macrosystem at the same time. Empirically, the study relies on EU documents and speeches by its national and supranational representatives. Three cases are studied. The first covers competition of two models of resilience in the principles that the EU defined for its relations with Russia. The second case involves investments that slow down the development of renewable sources of energy in favour of natural gas. This case demonstrates how resilience can be achieved as a return to the previous pattern (bouncing back). Although it can be achieved both at the EU-only level and at the level of the EU and its relations with Russia, it clearly favours the latter. The third case involves the import of hydrogen, which creates possibilities for resilience both at the microsystem alone and at the micro- and macrosystems at the same time. This latter option is achieved through adaptation to new challenges (bouncing forward). The author concludes by comparing the two models of resilience. The model that prioritizes the microsystem’s resilience and challenges the macrosystem is based on the synthesis of environmental and geopolitical logics. The other model is based on economic and market logics, but the EU’s normative leadership is a prerequisite. The EU’s discourse demonstrates the viability of both models and related governance practices. Most likely, the two models will co-exist, but their relative importance will vary over time. This variation will be primarily determined by the EU’s internal constraints. However, Russia’s policy can facilitate the model of resilience, achieved in both the micro- and macrosystem.


Author(s):  
Evangelos Siskos ◽  
Konstantia DARVIDOU

The European Union and the Caspian countries are important trade partners, although there is still potential for improvement of the cooperation considering the energy security and other issues. The paper analyses trends and structure of trade relations of the EU and Caspian countries. The trade between the regions is about 370 billion dollars. Exports of fuels to the EU are the main component of the trade between the regions. Therefore energy transportation projects are an important issue in the agenda for the international relations. A gravity model for the exports of fuels is presented. The model considers demand in the EU importing country, total fuel exports of an exporting Caspian country as an indicator of exporting supply capacities and in some cases energy self-sufficiency of an importing country. Distance turned out to make an insignificant effect on the energy trade. The analysis helps to determine undertraded and successfully exploited bilateral energy trade links between the individual EU and Caspian countries. The model showed that Greece is among the most relatively intensive importers of fuels from the Caspian region. JEL: F10, F13, F15, Q4.


Subject EU responses to Russian actions around Ukraine. Significance EU sanctions imposed in 2014 remain in place owing to continuing concerns about Russian interference in elections, the poison attack on former spy Sergey Skripal and covert Russian activities in Ukraine and elsewhere. However, the EU has resisted pressure to take immediate action after the Kerch Straits incident, in which Russian coast guards captured three Ukrainian naval vessels. Impacts The US position on sanctions currently mirrors EU restraint, but Washington would be forced to act by blatant Russian aggression. Ukraine will call for EU support while using legal action in an attempt to hamper Gazprom's alternative gas export routes. European Parliament resolutions condemning Nord Stream 2 will have little impact on German support for the project.


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